Whose recovery? IFI prescriptions for postwar states

Cohn, Carol; Duncanson, Claire

doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1677743

Cited by 12 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Taking their participation seriously, these scholars have argued, will result in a broadening of transitional justice's scope to include economic, social, and cultural rights (Nagy, 2014;Rees & Chinkin, 2015). Feminist scholars thus have claimed that TJ measures should reflect transformative understandings of justice directed at ensuring that gender-based violence will not happen again and at tackling the inequalities, marginalizations, and exclusions that underlie and fuel wars (Cohn & Duncanson, 2020;True & Hozić, 2020).…”

Section: Feminist Solutions To Achieve Transformative Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

Gender and Transitional Justice

Almagro¹,

Schulz²

2022

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies

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Transitional justice (TJ) refers to a set of measures and processes that deal with the legacies of human rights abuses and violent pasts, and that seek to aid societies transitioning from violence and conflict toward a more just and peaceful future. Much like the study of armed conflict and peacebuilding more broadly, the study and practice of transitional justice was traditionally silent on gender. Historically, gendered conflict-related experiences and harms have not been adequately addressed by most transitional justice mechanisms, and women in particular have been excluded from the design, conceptualization, and implementation of many TJ processes globally. While political violence perpetrated against men remained at the center of TJ concerns, a whole catalogue of gendered human rights abuses perpetrated primarily against women has largely remained at the peripheries of dominant TJ debates and interventions. Catalyzed by political developments at the United Nations within the realm of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and by increasing attention to crimes of sexual violence by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), however, the focus in the 2000s has been radically altered to include the treatment of gender in transitional contexts. As such, considerations around gender and sex have increasingly gained traction in TJ scholarship and praxis, to the extent that different justice instruments now seek to engage with gendered harms in diverse ways. Against this background, to the authors review this growing engagement with gender and transitional justice, offering a broad and holistic overview of legal and political developments, emerging trends, and persistent gaps in incorporating gender into the study and practice of TJ. The authors show how gender has been operationalized in relation to different TJ instruments, but the authors also unearth resounding feminist critiques about the ways in which justice is approached, as well as how gender is often conceptualized in limited and exclusionary terms. To this end, the authors emphasize the need for a more sustained and inclusive engagement with gender in TJ settings, drawing on intersectional, queer, and decolonial perspectives to ultimately address the variety of gendered conflict-related experiences in (post)conflict and transitional settings.

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Section: Feminist Solutions To Achieve Transformative Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

Gender and Transitional Justice

Almagro¹,

Schulz²

2022

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies

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“…The economic recovery prescriptions of the donor community -international financial institutions (IFIs), banks, governments in the global North -most often rely on the large-scale extraction and export of natural resources, along with privatisation and the shrinking of the public sector as part of post-war economic rebuilding. While they posit that these measures will lead to economic growth, that economic growth will lead to jobs and rising incomes, and that this will contribute to building peace and preventing relapse into war, too often the promised jobs and gains in living standards fail to materialise at a meaningful scale (see Cohn and Duncanson 2020;Mlinarević et al 2017). Although these policies may lead to aggregate economic growth of GNP, they tend to concentrate wealth and deepen inequalities, while at the same time depleting and degrading the ecosystems upon which lives and livelihoods depend.…”

Section: Carol Cohn and Claire Duncansonmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In sum, capitalism is a model which prioritises profit generation from the exploitation of 'surplus' value from labour and from the planet; an extractivist approach to both humans and the natural world, rather than an approach focused on human sustenance, the repair and recovery of the social fabric, or ensuring adequate and sustainable livelihoods for all. An approach to post-war countries that focuses on the recovery of the capitalist economy, then, will be quite different from one directly focused on the recovery of the people and ecosystems that have been ravaged by war (Cohn and Duncanson 2020). In the next sections, we draw on some of the key insights of feminist economic thinking to provide a roadmap for doing things differently.…”

Section: Carol Cohn and Claire Duncansonmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…From almost every corner of the globe, there are reports of people being uprooted for access to the land under which minerals, oil and gas can be found, and terrorised, tortured and killed (Global Witness 2020). Women and other marginalised groups are targeted for rape and sexual violence by armed groups, including at times paramilitaries acting at the behest of transnational corporations (see Cohn and Duncanson 2020;Méndez Gutiérrez and Carrera Guerra 2015). A move away from extractivism to feminist green economies has the potential to end this violence.…”

Section: Carol Cohn and Claire Duncansonmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Feminist Solutions for Ending War

2021

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This book was a collective effort, guided by a dedication to feminist ethics and praxis. We are grateful first and foremost to the contributing authors, for dedicating their time and sharing their knowledge.This book project began just before the start of the Covid-19 global pandemic and during a time of renewed anti-racism movements and activism sparked, in part, by the ongoing killing of black men and women by police in Canada and the US, including George Floyd, Regis Korchinski-Paquet, Breonna Taylor and Rodney Levi. These global events required us to pause. We felt we needed to rethink the purpose and relevance of our scholarship and reflect on what types of academic work were useful and possible at this point in history. Early in 2020, we checked in with the authors, and revisited if and how we should move forward with this project. We were pleased that everyone remained committed to the book despite the pressures of homeschooling, caregiving, university sector cuts and precarity, and the emotional and physical impacts of living in a pandemic. We acknowledge and were conscious that many contributors are at early stages of their career and do not have fixed-term stable work, which we recognise adds extra stress, pressure, and drain.Reading the chapter drafts and supporting authors in revising and completing the chapters was one of the best professional experiences either of us have had. During an otherwise difficult year, we found the chapters offered hope, drew attention to crucial issues of justice, and offered creative pathways forward. We are grateful to have learned from and been inspired by our engagement with the authors in this project.We are also grateful to our community, colleagues, and wonderful students at the University of Sydney. Thank you also to Jakob Horstmann at Pluto Press, for his enthusiastic work advocating for this project from the beginning.xii Foreword Waging the War on Wars: Feminist Ways Forward

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“…9 Here we draw from and seek to contribute to ideas in Nelson (2012), Wichterich (2012), Benería, Berik, and Floro (2015), Leach (2015), Raworth (2017), and Bauhardt and Harcourt (2018), as well as the Kari-Oca Declarations. See also Cohn and Duncanson (2020).…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Women, Peace and Security in a changing climate

Cohn

her

hers³

et al. 2020

International Feminist Journal of Politics

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In this article, we argue that the effort to get the Women, Peace and Security agenda implemented in a series of bureaucratic institutions has pulled the agenda quite far from its original motivating intent. Indeed, going down the bureaucratic implementation rabbit hole has made it almost impossible for advocates to stay in touch with the foundational WPS question: how do you get to gender-just sustainable peace? As we approach the twentieth anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, we argue that WPS advocates need to return to that question, but in doing so, must also acknowledge the changed context. One striking change is that climate breakdown is both more acute and more apparent than in 2000, and any attempt to build gender-just sustainable peace will face serious climateinduced challenges. However, the climate crisis creates not only challenges for the WPS agenda, but also opportunities. The sustainability of peace and of the planet are inextricably linked, and we argue that the realization of the WPS agenda requires transformations to social, political, and, most importantly, economic structures that are precisely the same as the transformations needed to ward off greater climate catastrophe.

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Whose recovery? IFI prescriptions for postwar states

Cited by 12 publications

References 34 publications

Gender and Transitional Justice

Gender and Transitional Justice

Feminist Solutions for Ending War

Women, Peace and Security in a changing climate

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