Why was there no General Strike in 1991? Corporatism, Pluralism and Neoliberal Labour Relations in New Zealand

Nicholls, Kate

doi:10.1080/713999576

Cited by 4 publications

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“…Using this defi nition, corporatism is assumed to have a positive impact on union densities as it gives unions national exposure as well as provides union representatives with a voice in labor legislation and policies (Ebbinghaus and Visser, 1999). Other authors have found that corporatism tends to have a favorable impact on unemployment rates (Kentworthy, 2002), labor quiescence (Nicholls, 2002) and patterns of wage setting (Wallerstein et al, 1997). Additionally, Ebbinghaus and Visser (1999) and Visser (1986) have found that countries with highly corporatist systems have more stable union densities than countries with less corporatism, suggesting that corporatism is effective in helping to maintain a level of union membership.…”

Section: Background Domestic Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Factors Affecting Union Decline in 18 OECD Countries and their Implications for Labor Movement Reform

Sano

2008

International Journal of Comparative Sociology

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In recent years, researchers have given much attention to union density decline in industrialized countries. While several have asked whether this decline can be attributed to specifi c economic, social, or institutional causes, few have provided concrete suggestions about how cross-national studies in this genre can inform efforts that seek to reverse this decline in the United States. This study uses cross-sectional time-series analysis of a pooled sample of 18 OECD countries from 1980 to 2005 to consider the effect of the business cycle, domestic institutions, globalization, and strike activity on union density. We identify interaction with the variable 'Traditional Union Density' and utilize fi ndings on corporatism, collective bargaining, globalization, and infl ation to make suggestions for those working to reverse union decline in the US.

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Section: Background Domestic Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Factors Affecting Union Decline in 18 OECD Countries and their Implications for Labor Movement Reform

Sano

2008

International Journal of Comparative Sociology

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“…En las entrevistas insistí particularmente en las formas de comportamiento de los individuos dentro de las organizaciones, con el fin sido poco estudiado. A pesar del crecimiento en número e importancia de los movimientos ambientales y su continua relación con organizaciones ambientales (OA), existe una tendencia analítica por separar el estudio de ambos grupos, aunque en ocasiones su división sea poco clara (Themudo, 2000;Leff, 1998;Alfil y Méndez, 2000;Jelin, 2003;Nicholls, 2002;Bandy, 2004).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Relaciones entre organizaciones y movimientos sociales. Redes y oportunidades políticas: los casos de la Red Nacional de Acción Ecologista (Argentina) y la Red Nacional de Derecho a la Información Ambiental (México)

García

2005

regsoc

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Este artículo describe y analiza las transformaciones en la operación y coordinación de las organizaciones ambientales. La teoría de oportunidades políticas constituye el marco de la investigación, y los referentes empíricos son los casos de la Red Nacional de Acción Ecologista (RENACE) en Argentina y la Red Nacional de Derecho a la Información Ambiental en México (REDIA). Este trabajo se vincula con las discusiones sobre recursos para las acciones colectivas y las formas de participación social.

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“…More importantly, the CTU uncritically supported the advancements for workers resulting from the Fifth Labour Government's policies (Kelly in CTU Apr 13, 2008) despite the maintenance of market-based policies in industrial relations (Nicholls 2002;Barry 2004), in positing work as the sole solution for poverty (Humpage & Craig 2008;O'Brien 2008;St John 2008), and in the continuation of insecure unemployment, such as through the continued restructuring of the public sector (Lodge & Hill 2011: 161). As such, the union movement has continued to operate predominantly within institutional confines despite the ineffectiveness of these confines for those excluded from employment or susceptible to market fluctuations due to insecure employment.…”

Section: The Women's Māori and Labour Movements In New Zealandmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…initiatives undertaken by the Fourth Labour Government initially received less contestation than they would have if implemented by the National Party (Nicholls 2002). But even before 1984, Labour Party policy statements that ran counter to union policies were sometimes given credence in union publications.…”

Section: Appendix Amentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The lack of government critique during the 1972-1975 period of Labour Party rule despite continued government policies to depress wages (see Chapter 2) speaks to the continuation of institutionalised Labour "discipline." In short, the historical institutional arrangement of unions within the state ensured a "de-radicalised" organisation of labourthis behaviour continued into the 1990s (Nicholls 2002).…”

Section: Appendix Amentioning

confidence: 99%

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Mediation, Regulation, Critique: Mapping the Relationship between Cultural Meanings and Political Responses to Poverty, 1970-2010

Gilbert¹

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<p>Since 1970 there has been growing concern over poverty in New Zealand in academia, government, and popular culture. From 1970 until 1984, this concern focused on New Zealand’s prolonged recession and falling standards of living in a period of high inflation. Since then, however, poverty and economic disparity have increased dramatically. The 1970-1984 period is now looked upon as relatively generous and committed to economic equality. The increase in poverty in contemporary times is marked by two political features. Neoliberal economic and social policies have resulted in the polarisation of wealth, increased employment insecurity, and reduced income for those reliant on state benefits (Harvey 2005). At the same time, discourses of morality have blamed beneficiaries for their “dependence” on the state. These features are not simply coincidental: the Governments that pursued income supplement reductions in New Zealand also employed the rhetoric of “welfare dependency” (O’Brien, Bradford, Stevens, Walters & Wicks 2010). As such, the link between moral discourse about poverty and political outcomes for the poor seems undeniable. I argue in this thesis that the relationship between these moral discourses and political outcomes is not as straightforward as the narrative above suggests. To make this argument I analyse moral discourses of poverty in the pre-neoliberal and neoliberal periods and find that these discourses are not as clearly aligned with macroeconomic periods as some suggest. Using this analysis, I then draw upon three traditions of cultural studies with macro-sociological theoretical orientations to determine a more fruitful analysis of the relationship between cultural meaning and political outcomes. I propose in this thesis that an analysis of the cultural meaning and political outcomes of poverty requires an investigation into three related spaces of contestation: mediation, regulation, and critique. To operationalise this analysis I focus specifically on newsprint mediation of poverty and neoliberalism, the institutional arrangements of the state that correspond to macroeconomic periods, and anti-poverty social movements. I also argue – counter to trends in sociological cultural studies – that the concepts of ideology and class must be re-introduced to effectively analyse the relationship between the cultural meanings and political outcomes of poverty. In my analysis I find considerable spaces of contestation between newspaper media, state institutions, and social movements. At the same time, synergies between them emerge. In all three, a “cultural logic” that promotes social and ethnic identities over economic identities becomes institutionalized within social movements, state institutions, and media reporting within the neoliberal era. This promotion of identities runs counter to the economic regulation of the period, where polarization occurs throughout society. As this “cultural logic” is institutionalized in the state, it is used to promote the understanding that economic disparity occurs between cultural identities rather than across them. As such, it translates potentially radical claims for economic redistribution into claims for inclusion. From this finding I conclude that the cultural logic, although it is called upon by actors across the political spectrum, nevertheless constitutes an ideology. It not only serves, in economic terms, a limited class at the expense of many, but also masks relative class benefits.</p>

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Why was there no General Strike in 1991? Corporatism, Pluralism and Neoliberal Labour Relations in New Zealand

Cited by 4 publications

References 1 publication

Factors Affecting Union Decline in 18 OECD Countries and their Implications for Labor Movement Reform

Factors Affecting Union Decline in 18 OECD Countries and their Implications for Labor Movement Reform

Relaciones entre organizaciones y movimientos sociales. Redes y oportunidades políticas: los casos de la Red Nacional de Acción Ecologista (Argentina) y la Red Nacional de Derecho a la Información Ambiental (México)

Mediation, Regulation, Critique: Mapping the Relationship between Cultural Meanings and Political Responses to Poverty, 1970-2010

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