Women’s perspectives of female genital cutting: Q-methodology

Abstract

BackgroundUnderstanding women’s perspectives of female genital cutting is particularly critical for understanding the roots of the problem and enhancing effectiveness of any prevention program. Very limited research has examined how people in Iraqi Kurdistan Region think about this practice. This study aimed to explore the perspectives of women of female genital cutting with the aim of uncovering discrepancies and commonalities between women of different socio-educational groups.MethodsAn explorative study using Q-methodology was conducted with 29 women from different educational and socio-economic statuses in Erbil, the main city of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. Participants were asked to rank-order a set of 39 statements about different aspects of female genital cutting into a distribution on a scale of nine from “disagree most” to “agree most”. By-person factor analysis was performed with factors or latent viewpoints extracted through centroid method and varimax rotation.ResultsA four-factor solution and one consensus perspective provided the best conceptual fit for the women’s perspectives about female genital cutting. Factor 1, entitled “positive cultural tradition”, centers on recognizing female genital cutting as a positive cultural aspect and an essential part of the Kurdish culture. Factor 2, “active opponents”, positions around actively opposing the practice of female genital cutting and considering the practice a violation of human rights. Factor 3, “role of law”, stresses the importance of developing and enforcing law for combating female genital cutting. Factor 4, “health concerns and passive opposition”, represents the perspectives of recognizing the importance of health concerns resulting from female genital cutting and opposition of the practice but not in an active manner. A consensus perspective, “marital role”, centers primarily on lack of effect of female genital cutting on women’s marital role.ConclusionsFemale genital cutting is still a contentious issue among women in Iraqi Kurdistan Region. By identifying disagreement and consensus among women, four different perspectives on female genital cutting were uncovered with having perspectives at both extremes of accepting the practice and actively opposing it. The study highlighted the typical characterizations that are associated with each perspective.

Knowledge and perspectives of female genital cutting among the local religious leaders in Erbil governorate, Iraqi Kurdistan region

“…FGC is seen as ensuring the hygiene of the female genitalia, which in their natural form are wrongly classified as unclean. It is believed that the girl who is not circumcised has a bad odor because she is not clean and even some people consider the food she prepares haram [ 11 , 25 ]. In fact, FGC has no any proved benefits, and the serious health and psychosocial consequences surpass any claimed benefits.…”

“…FGC is deeply rooted in the cultural and social values and beliefs of the affected communities. Social and cultural traditions are considered important reasons for performing FGC in different countries, including the Iraqi Kurdistan Region (40.7% to 46.7%) [ 7 , 8 , 11 ]. Many people consider FGC a beneficial cultural practice and in the best interest of the child [ 12 ].…”

“…However, many people still believe that FGC has religious support [ 21 ] and in some countries arguments inspired by Islamic law have been used to claim that FGC is an obligation in Islam (17). In the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, girls and women who are not cut might be considered to have haram 2 hands, and some people do not eat or drink from their hands [ 11 ]. These unexamined aspects of FGC might play a crucial role in the high prevalence of FGC in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region.…”

Geographical variation in the prevalence of female genital mutilation in the Kurdistan region of Iraq

“…Unlike in other societies, such as Nigeria (14), over-reporting of genital mutilation is more common among women in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq than under-reporting (8). High social pressure and the risk of social ostracism might make women claim they are mutilated even if they are not (20). Therefore, the prevalence revealed in this study might represent the actual prevalence.…”

“…They are even more important than the religion as the main reason for female genital mutilation in many instances (18,19). This applies in particular to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq as most of the available studies consider social and cultural traditions the main drivers of the practice of female genital mutilation (40.7% to 46.7%) (7,8,20).…”