Youth, Gender, and Dignity in the Egyptian Uprising

Abstract

Uprisings are complex, rare phenomenon, and this article suggests that the shared regional diffusion of protest in the Arab Spring was lubricated by the economic inequalities of neoliberalism. Young people in Egypt and the larger Middle East have been disproportionately disadvantaged by neoliberalism and a demographic youth bulge. They were economically excluded by high unemployment and insecure jobs in the informal sector; they were politically excluded by authoritarianism and state repression; and they were socially excluded by the limbo of “waithood,” or prolonged adolescence as marriage and entry into adulthood was delayed, in part due to the high cost of marriage. Yet, at the same time, these commonly shared grievances facilitated weak ties linking diverse constituencies together, as creative leaders built a “movement of movements.” The April 6 movement, and Kefaya before it, creatively adopted a non-hierarchical model of collective action that was organically suited to the vast informal and subterranean networks already dominant within Egyptian life. Young women and men risked their lives pursuing regime change, and one of the master frames of the uprisings that demanded “dignity” may provide particular opportunities for the women’s movement. A gendered concept, dignity suggests that the state must respect the integrity, safety, and autonomy of the body. Despite massive challenges to the women’s movement and its allies in Egypt as conservative forces are also emboldened by the Arab Spring, the master frame of dignity may resonate across the Egyptian public since it is a revolutionary frame, as well, yet lays bare longstanding grievances of the diverse Egyptian women’s movement.

Framing international media in the face of social movements: CNN and Al-Jazeera English in the fall of Morsi

“…Regarding problem definition, the dominant frame in research reviewed is that of "revolution" (Clarke, 2013;Fornaciari, 2011;Hale, 2013;Hamdy & Gomaa, 2012;Seigneurie, 2012;Singerman, 2014). Problem definition as "transnational" is also important.…”

“…Causal interpretation is less uniform but two dominant causal frames in the preceding articles can be highlighted: "economic conditions" (Clarke, 2013;Hamdy & Gomaa, 2012;Seigneurie, 2012) and "lack of democracy" (Cottle, 2011;Hale, 2013;Seigneurie, 2012;Singerman, 2014). A third causal frame, at times difficult to differentiate from "lack of democracy", is the frame "human rights", that is, everyday social conditions such as the situation of women or police repression, rather than political organization and legislation.…”

“…A third causal frame, at times difficult to differentiate from "lack of democracy", is the frame "human rights", that is, everyday social conditions such as the situation of women or police repression, rather than political organization and legislation. Moral evaluation reflects an identification with the protests through the frame "legitimacy", with indicators such as justice, resistance, international recognition, engagement and nonviolence to name but a few (Cottle, 2011;Hale, 2013;Hamdy & Gomaa, 2012;Seigneurie, 2012;Singerman, 2014). Lastly, as treatment recommendation, there is the frame "change of regime" (Hale, 2013;Singerman, 2014).…”

Contemporary Youth Research in Arab Mediterranean Countries: Mixing Qualitative and Quantitative Research

“…This young generation, during the past decade, was using old and new social networks to demand better living conditions, fair and democratic governance, respect, dignity and individual freedom (Haenni, 2005;Al Sayyid, 2009;Onodera, 2011;Floris 2012;Singerman, 2013;Sánchez García, 2014a).…”

“…In recent years, coming from different disciplines within the social sciences, several scholars maintain a critical standpoint toward the construction of youth as a category in scholarly and political discourses and projects. They demand attention on youth material culture, negotiation of youth space, gender relations, economic and political participation, and youth's social construction of reality (Assaad and Roudi-Fahimi, 2007;Meneley 2007, Schielke 2009, Konig, 2009, Peterson 2010, Sukarieh & Tannok 2008SalehiIsfahani, and Dhillon, 2008;Haenni, 2010;Al-Momani, 2011;Ibrahim and Hunt-Hendrix 2011;Roudi, 2011;Deeb & Harb 2012;Swedenberg, 2012, Singerman, 2013. In this sense, The Arab Spring and interest in the young population provide a unique opportunity to apply discoveries and perspectives on youth in Arab Mediterranean societies.…”