Since the enactment of the 1982 Burmese Citizenship Law, the Rohingya Muslims have been stateless, and they are attempting to become Burmese citizens. In Myanmar, ethnic identity continues to be the most politically significant marker stratified by government policy. Despite Myanmar’s official recognition of 135 minority groups, ethnic identities are fixed in exclusionary terms like Buddhist or non-Buddhist, Bamar or non-Bamar. Ethnicity and religion, therefore, have played a significant role in the formation of Myanmar’s national identity, that systematically excludes the Rohingyas. Hence, religion and ethnic identities are often contemplated as the major reason for the Rohingya crisis. However, contrary to the popular perception, this article argues that, along with the ethnic and religious aspects of the Rohingya conflict, the geo-strategic and economic aspects of the conflict must also be addressed with seriousness, as the conflict has occurred under a variety of political and economic conditions. It investigates the role of resource geo-economics of the Myanmar government and military forces in the recent conflict. Furthermore, this article examines China’s and India’s vested geo-strategic and economic interests in Rakhine. Findings from the research imply that the persecution and displacement of the Rohingyas may be linked to the resources and geo-strategic factors present in Rakhine.

The Rohingyas, one of the most vulnerable refugee groups in the world, have suffered from continuous state sponsored terrorism by the Burmese government since Myanmar’s independence in 1948. Religion and ethnic differences are often contemplated as the major reason for the Rohingya crisis. However, this paper argues instead of only focusing upon ethno-religious dimension of the Rohingya conflict, the geo-strategic and resource centric explanation also need to be addressed. For the above-mentioned purpose, this research analyses how the Rohingya crisis is robustly linked with geo-strategic factors and politics of natural resources. In this context, the role and activities of the Government of Myanmar and military force in the Rakhine province are explained. In addition, this paper also examines the geo-economic interests of some foreign forces in Rakhine state. Based on qualitative analysis, data are collected from both primary and secondary sources such as books, journal articles, reports of government, etc. The research shows that the Rohingya’s persecution, displacement have a possible connection with the resources and geo-strategic factors that are present in the Rakhine state. This study further implies, the resources and geo-strategic factors also influence the Myanmar’s policies and actions and the engagement of military forces in the Rohingya crisis. Therefore, this new geo-strategic and resource centric explanation which are often overlooked can provide a better understanding of the Rohingya crisis.