B. R. Ambedkar’s ideas – caste<br>annihilation, securing rights to the depressed class, representation of different oppressed<br>sections in political affairs, egalitarian economic arrangement, education, women rights, and<br>democracy – all have the potentiality to be linked with his ideas of a nation which is inclusive<br>in nature. His idea of social equality and cultural unity was path breaking in his period, even<br>relevant in recent times too. Ambedkar’s endeavour of annihilation of caste was no longer<br>contradictory to his idea of nation-building. His major concern was how India would become<br>a nation without a large number of people who seemed untouchables and thus socially<br>excluded. He was aware of that the social solidarity is the key for struggle against<br>colonialism. The struggle against colonialism would not be rewarding unless realizing social<br>solidarity among different religious groups, castes, and communities. It was undeniably a<br>great challenge to Ambedkar to make a link between his efforts to annihilation of caste and to<br>build India as an inclusive nation which is discussed throughout this paper by integrating<br>apparently diverse thoughts of B. R. Ambedkar.

B.R. Ambedkar is often held to be an uncompromising advocate of the cause of the depressed castes or Dalits. But his advocacy for Dalits was within the larger framework of his vision for an Indian nation that needed to be formed, since he believed that there could be no nation unless everyone within it was not treated as an equal—an end that could be only attained through the annihilation of the caste system. He was not unmindful also of the need to protect religious minorities, for which reason he argued in favour of their adequate representation in legislative bodies, services, etc.

In India, the issue of surrogacy has brought the entire field of assisted reproductive techniques under close scrutiny and debate. It has caused controversies as the state has interfered the process of surrogacy to make it ethically acceptable. Indian government acknowledged the Surrogacy (Regulation) Act, 2021, to protect women's reproductive rights. The Act aims to ban commercial surrogacy and promote altruistic surrogacy without any payment except for the surrogate mother's medical expenses and her insurance coverage. This Act is the object of the first analysis of this article; and second, it investigates how the Act affects prospective childless couples, willing single parents, and members of the LGBTQ community. Employing the interview method and neo‐institutional methodology, this article concludes that the Act made the surrogacy more complex as, in actuality, altruistic surrogacy is a myth because it would be difficult for intended couples to find a willing surrogate mother who will intend to give birth to a child at no cost. This will pave the way for under the table transaction. The Act made it illegal for foreign couples as well as intended Indian couples who already have a child and restricts the chances for the LGBTQ community and single parents.

Since the enactment of the 1982 Burmese Citizenship Law, the Rohingya Muslims have been stateless, and they are attempting to become Burmese citizens. In Myanmar, ethnic identity continues to be the most politically significant marker stratified by government policy. Despite Myanmar’s official recognition of 135 minority groups, ethnic identities are fixed in exclusionary terms like Buddhist or non-Buddhist, Bamar or non-Bamar. Ethnicity and religion, therefore, have played a significant role in the formation of Myanmar’s national identity, that systematically excludes the Rohingyas. Hence, religion and ethnic identities are often contemplated as the major reason for the Rohingya crisis. However, contrary to the popular perception, this article argues that, along with the ethnic and religious aspects of the Rohingya conflict, the geo-strategic and economic aspects of the conflict must also be addressed with seriousness, as the conflict has occurred under a variety of political and economic conditions. It investigates the role of resource geo-economics of the Myanmar government and military forces in the recent conflict. Furthermore, this article examines China’s and India’s vested geo-strategic and economic interests in Rakhine. Findings from the research imply that the persecution and displacement of the Rohingyas may be linked to the resources and geo-strategic factors present in Rakhine.

No abstract