RESUMEN:En España las políticas de género han sufrido un considerable retroceso en los últimos años. La crisis económica y la necesidad de desarrollar políticas de austeridad han sido presentadas como las razones principales para realizar importantes recortes en sus presupuestos y para eliminar diversos organismos. Paralelamente, la agenda de igualdad también ha sido reorientada, pasando a ocupar una posición central la promoción de la maternidad. Aunque estas nuevas prioridades políticas emergen en un contexto de crisis, acontecen en paralelo con la llegada al poder de los partidos conservadores en el gobierno estatal y en múltiples gobiernos regionales. En este sentido invitan a revisar la literatura sobre políticas de género y el color de los partidos políticos en el gobierno y a explorar la influencia de esta variable. A través del análisis de todas las Comunidades Autónomas y del gobierno estatal, este artículo mostrará el impacto de la presencia de los partidos conservadores en el poder, no solo en términos de pérdida de recursos sino también, y más importante, en términos del desarrollo de una agenda política focalizada en las mujeres como madres y cuidadoras. Para ello, en primer lugar, a través de un análisis de regresión logística, se cuantificará la influencia de dicha variable en los presupuestos en materia de igualdad de género de ambos niveles de gobierno para el periodo 2002-2014. En segundo lugar, a través de un análisis cualitativo se revisará su influencia en la evolución de la agenda política y de la estructura institucional durante ese mismo lapso de tiempo. De este modo, se mostrará que a pesar de que los retrocesos tienen lugar esencialmente en periodo de crisis, covarían de manera clara con la presencia de gobiernos conservadores. Todo ello permite concluir que la crisis económica actúa como una ventana de oportunidad para poner en cuestión un área competencial que había experimentado una creciente expansión en los últimos 20 años.

Populist radical right parties (PRRPs) are generally considered detrimental to democracy. Research on their damaging potential tends to focus on their influence in triggering policy backsliding but leaves the promotion of gender equality out of the equation. This study explores the case of Vox in Andalusia, a southern region of Spain, to show how PRRPs also contribute to de-democratization through their capacity to erode the equality framework. We demonstrate how they can effectively dismantle and reframe crucial policies, even when not in office. This opens new analytical pathways for studying the role of PRRPs in undermining democratic systems.

The users' overall evaluation of the program was positive. Facilitators and barriers influencing patient-program bonding were identified and participants suggested ways to remove barriers. The coexistence among users of the harm reduction program and patients treated conventionally provoked ambivalence but the team's management was deemed helpful in easing the difficulties arising from this situation.

Democracy is an ally of the feminist project and a necessary condition for its success. The European post-crisis context shows evidence of de-democratization processes that represent a remarkable challenge. This article investigates gender equality and processes of de-democratization in Spain in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. It argues that neoliberalism, authoritarian shifts, and political corruption are three key dimensions of the processes of de-democratization in Spain that contribute to oppose gender equality. However, political contestation and feminist collective agency both in movements and institutions have played a key role in counteracting these dynamics. Civil society and feminist movements’ struggles for democracy, equality and social justice, the role of new populist left parties in channeling some of the protesters’ demands, gender equality institutions keeping gender on the agenda despite austerity cuts, and new local governments emerging from civic platforms after the 2015 elections have been effective in resisting attacks to Spanish democracy. A thorough revision of academic literature and other secondary sources helps to capture the specificities of this complex political setting.

Territorial debates have recently shaken the political systems in Scotland and Catalonia, leading to referenda on independence. This article engages with questions concerning whether this extraordinary process has affected the women's movement and why. Specifically, feminist scholars have often expressed concern regarding how strong territorial identities and nationalist projects might prove detrimental to the movement's unity and success. Here, I look for indications of engagement and revival within the frames of the Scottish and Catalan referendum campaigns. A comparative approach revealed the mobilizing potential of these contexts when certain conditions were present. While the women's movement in Scotland has thrived in the last couple of years, territorial debates in Catalonia have not provided fertile ground for feminist campaigning and have shown divisive potential. The specific dynamics of the women's movement in each setting and the presence of political and discursive opportunity structures account for the different outcomes.