No abstract

Studies in factorial ecology have typically used the principal factor procedure coupled with varimax rotation. Since it can be shown that the results one obtains vary according to the factor and rotation models he employs, and since there is no one “best” way of obtaining initial and derived factor solutions, it is proposed that future research in the area adopt an approach involving the simultaneous use of several different computing algorithms for obtaining initial solutions and both orthogonal and oblique rotation procedures to avoid the possibility that the results one obtains are not method-dependent. Ideally, the factor models employed should differ maximally with respect to the principles upon which they are based. If one finds a given factor regardless of the method he uses, only then can he assert with any confidencethat it is not an artifact of his method. Factorial ecologists are often interested in computing “factor scores”, but “true” factor scores are not uniquely computable; they can only be estimated. Since the proposed research strategy involves using either a component or an image model, in which the corresponding scores are exact and uniquely computable, the factor score problem is, in a sense, solved. Next it is suggested that, by using orthogonal solutions, factorial ecologists may be overlooking a very important piece of information—the correlation between the factors. There is some reason to believe that this varies from city to city, and may account for the fact that some factors which emerge in studies of Western cities are sometimes not found in cities elsewhere. Some comments are also made on the value of using census tract data, and on the availability of computer programs for different initial and derived factor solutions.

We wish to acknowledge the Canadian Consortium for Social Research a s the source of the 1965 and 1968 federal election surveys on which our analyses are based. The CCSR bears no responsibility, of course, for the analyses and interpretations reported herein.

Dans quelle mesure la sous‐représentation des femmes au Parlement du Canada est‐elle attribuable à la “perte de votes”? II est évident que lorsque les femmes se présentent à la députation sur un pied d‘égalité avec les hommes en ce qui concerne un rival titulaire, la compétitivité du siège disputé, et le parti politique, les femmes n'obtiennent pas moins de votes que les hommes. Les femmes sont également plus aptes àêtre choisies pour disputer des sièges à des titulaires ou des sièges que le parti a peu ou pas de chance de gagner. II est done peu probable que l’échec relatif des femmes aux élections fédérates soit directement relié aux sentiments des électeurs. II apparait plutôt que le succès limité des femmes dans la politique fédérale au Canada est dû aux difficultés qu'elles ont à se faire nommer pour disputer des sièges qu'elles auraient une assez bonne chance de gagner. This paper explores the extent to which the under‐representation of women in the House of Commons in Canada can be attributed to female candidates “losing votes.” The evidence suggests that, when male and female candidates are equated in terms of running against an incumbent, competitiveness of the contested seat, and political party, the women do not receive fewer votes than the men. At the same time, women were more likely than men to be nominated to contest seats against incumbents or seats which their party had little or no chance of winning. It does not seem, then, that the relative failure of women in federal elections can be traced directly to voters' sentiments. Rather, it appears as if the limited success of women in federal politics in Canada largely originates in their difficulties in securing nominations to contest seats which they have some reasonable prospect of winning.