The social and motor context in which restricted and repetitive behaviors (RRBs) occur in autism and their relationship to social traits are not well-understood. Participants with and without autism completed tasks that varied in social and motor engagement and RRB frequency was measured. Motor and verbal RRBs were most common, RRBs varied based on motor and social context for participants with autism, and social engagement was associated with lower motor and verbal RRBs. Significant correlations between RRBs and autism severity, social synchrony, and nonverbal mental age were also found. This research confirms the importance of context for understanding RRBs during on-going tasks and raises questions about whether the factors that elicit vocal and motor RRBs are unique for individual children.

Alexithymia is a subclinical trait involving difficulty describing and identifying emotions. It is common in a number of psychiatric conditions. Alexithymia in children is sometimes measured by parent report and sometimes by child self-report, but it is not yet known how closely related the two measures are. This is an important question both theoretically and practically, in terms of research design and clinical practice. We conducted a preliminary study to investigate this question in a sample of 6- to 11-year-old neurotypical children and their parents (N = 29 dyads). Parent and child reports were not correlated, and 93% of parents under-estimated their child’s level of alexithymia relative to the child’s self-report. Based on these results, we hypothesize that when asked to report on the child’s alexithymia, children and parents may not be reporting on the same phenomenon, and thus these two measures may not be interchangeable. These provocative findings, however, must be considered preliminary: our analyses were sufficiently powered to detect a strong relation between the two types of report had one existed, but our analyses were not sufficiently powered to distinguish between a small relation and no relation at all.

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One common feature of autism is “flat affect:” Many autistic people do not facially express emotion as intensely as non-autistic people. Although it can be difficult for a casual acquaintance or stranger to infer what someone with flat affect is feeling, some mothers of autistic children report learning to identify their children’s emotions from limited facial emotion information. We investigated whether this parenting experience is associated with the point at which mothers perceive happiness and sadness on faces of individuals other than their children. We used two tasks where faces of strangers morphed from a neutral expression to peak happiness and peak sadness; we measured the point at which mothers first perceived happiness and sadness in these morphs. In samples that were overwhelmingly North American, White, and highly educated, mothers of autistic children (n = 24), mothers of non-autistic children (n = 24) and age-matched non-mothers (n = 24) did not differ in the point at which they perceived happiness and sadness. The heightened sensitivity some mothers of autistic children report in perceiving emotion on their children’s faces may not play a role in how they perceive emotion on other people’s faces, at least in the case of happiness and sadness. Interestingly, however, the three groups of middle-aged women perceived happiness (but not sadness) at an earlier point than a group of young adult women attending a U.S. university (n = 151), a finding that is consistent with socio-emotional selectivity theory.

Autistic people report that their emotional expressions are sometimes misunderstood by non-autistic people. One explanation for these misunderstandings could be that the two neurotypes have different internal representations of emotion: Perhaps they have different expectations about what a facial expression showing a particular emotion looks like. In three well-powered studies with non-autistic college students in the United States (total N = 632), we investigated this possibility. In Study 1, participants recognized most facial expressions posed by autistic individuals more accurately than those posed by non-autistic individuals. Study 2 showed that one reason the autistic expressions were recognized more accurately was because they were better and more intense examples of the intended expressions than the non-autistic expressions.In Study 3, we used a set of expressions created by autistic and non-autistic individuals who could see their faces as they made the expressions, which could allow them to explicitly match the expression they produced with their internal representation of that emotional expression. Here, neither autistic expressions nor non-autistic expressions were consistently recognized more accurately. In short, these findings suggest that differences in internal representations of what emotional expressions look like are unlikely to play a major role in explaining why non-autistic people sometimes misunderstand the emotions autistic people are experiencing. Lay SummaryAutistic people report that non-autistic people sometimes misunderstand what they are feeling. We investigated whether misunderstandings arise because the two neurotypes have different expectations about what emotional expressions look like. In three studies, we found no evidence for this possibility. Overall, nonautistic participants recognized autistic people's expressions at least as well as (and often better) than non-autistic people's expressions. Our findings suggest that the two neurotypes do not have different expectations about what emotional expressions look like. Other factors contribute to misunderstandings about emotion.