Standard measures of residential segregation tend to equate spatial with social proximity. This assumption has been increasingly subject to critique among demographers and ethnographers and becomes especially problematic in historical settings. In the late nineteenth-century United States, standard measures suggest a counterintuitive pattern: southern cities, with their long history of racial inequality, had less residential segregation than urban areas considered to be more racially tolerant. By using census enumeration procedures, we develop a sequence measure that captures a more subtle "backyard" pattern of segregation, where white families dominated front streets and blacks were relegated to alleys. Our analysis of complete household data from the 1880 Census documents how segregation took various forms across the postbellum United States. Whereas northern cities developed segregation via racialized neighborhoods, substituting residential inequality for the status inequality of slavery, southern cities embraced street-front segregation that reproduced the racial inequality that existed under slavery.

Sociologists have long been interested in the gender division of domestic responsibilities, with most attention focused on spousal housework and more recently childcare. However, with the aging of the U.S. population, elder care has become an increasingly important component of domestic labor. Because most elder care in the United States is provided by (unpaid) family members (Levitsky 2014), it generates additional stressors on contemporary families, suggesting that the "second shift" includes more "invisible" work than has been previously suggested (Hochschild 1989). This article explores the gender division of elder care. Previous research on the gender division of family labor focuses almost exclusively on spousal couples and consistently finds (albeit with varying details, see Killewald and Gough 2010; Schneider 2011) that "gender trumps money" (Bittman et al. 2003:209). However, when applied to elder care, this approach points to a rather surprising finding: gender is trumped, not by money, but by kin relations and obligations (Henz 2010; Szinovacz and Davey 2008). In particular, the division of elderly parent care between husbands and wives is shaped predominantly by the kin 686521A SRXXX10.

nIna ba ndelj a nd a ngelIna gr Igory eva This article examines the link between wealth inequality and families' financial investment, saving, and borrowing for the sake of children. Using the 1998-2016 Survey of Consumer Finances data, we show that American families have increasingly engaged in financially more intensive parenting but that there are substantial differences by wealth and race-ethnicity. Over time, White families above median wealth accumulate more financial assets and education savings as well as less education debt for children. In contrast, Black and Hispanic families across the wealth distribution have low financial assets and education savings for children. In addition, for Black families across the wealth distribution education debt has grown to substantial amounts. These findings suggest that the contemporary norm of intensive parenting has unequal financial manifestations, which have likely contributed to the widening of wealth and racial inequalities, especially between White and Black child households.

Demographic and ecological theories yield mixed evidence as to whether ethnic enclaves are a benefit or a hindrance to the status attainment of residents and entrepreneurs. This article provides one possible theoretical resolution by separating the positive effects that may emanate among co-ethnic neighbors from the negative effects that may result with the concentration of racial or ethnic groups. The theory is tested by analyzing occupational wage attainment and entrepreneurship among African-Americans between 1880 and 1940, a historical context in which Jim Crow laws imposed segregation exogenously. Drawing on crosssectional and panel census data for representative samples of blacks in the United States, the results suggest consistent upward occupational mobility among residents with same-race neighbors, accompanied with downward mobility among residents who are concentrated in larger racialized enclaves. Both patterns are also observed in the distribution of entrepreneurial activity among blacks during the Jim Crow era.3 Some studies also deploy measures of ethnic enclaves that are based on both residential and workplace location (e.g., Zhou and Logan 1991; Xie and Gough 2011).

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