States often play multiple roles on the world stage, which need not fit together coherently. Moreover, foreign policy roles may be dissonant with one another: auxiliary roles may detract from the state's master role or status. What prompts decision makers to address role dissonance and role conflict? Building on earlier role theory research, we develop a framework that theorizes when and how role dissonance turns into conflict between a state's master and auxiliary foreign policy roles. We theorize that role conflict may be addressed through modification rather than abandonment of an auxiliary role. The theory is illustrated with a case study that traces Russia's attempt to reconcile dissonance between its major-power role and its auxiliary role as a sending country (in intercountry adoption). We show that the interplay between master and auxiliary roles is complex. States care about status but also address dissonant auxiliary roles and role conflict pragmatically.

Research data sharing is one of the most interesting and challenging issues for researchers in the academic community. To investigate the effect of individual characteristics and organizational contexts on data sharing and reuse behaviors, this study employed a second analysis of the survey data. This study found that older researchers and those who allocate a lower percentage of their worktime to research are likely to share data and show a positive attitude toward data sharing. The study also found that academic researchers are likely to share data if their funding agency requires them to provide a data management plan and if their organization or project provides the necessary funds and processes to support data management.

Objective. Recent upheavals in the Middle East raise a number of questions regarding the consequences of mass uprisings. We examine the impact that earlier peaceful revolutions had on interpersonal and institutional trust in the postcommunist world. Methods. Data were collected from eight countries using two waves from the World Values Survey, three of which had experienced a colored revolt. The article uses mixed effects logit analysis and quasi-experimental techniques. Results. Levels of social trust are much less in countries where a colored revolution occurred than in countries that had not experienced such an uprising. However, confidence in political institutions increased in contrast to countries that had not experienced an uprising. Conclusion. The level of interpersonal trust is not necessarily connected to the level of institutional trust. The decline in interpersonal trust in post-colored-revolution societies does not bode well for the development of democracy after mass upheaval. TX 76203-5017 John.Ishiyama@unt.edu . The authors will share all data and coding for replication purposes.1 Although recognizing that there is much conceptual debate in the literature on the definition of "revolutions" in this article, we refer to these uprisings in postcommunist countries as "revolutions" since they were referred to in this way by the popular media and the press. Further, although it could be argued that what occurred was not "revolutionary" in that no "progress" toward democracy was made afterward, in this article we conceptualize "revolutionary" as simply the collapse of the previous political administration and its replacement with the opposition as the result of mass protests over fraudulent election results.2 To be sure, we do not wish to make universal claims that stretch far beyond the countries included in this study, which are all in one region of the world, all of which were postcommunist, and all of which were semi-authoritarian regimes. Thus we do not claim that the findings apply to all popular uprisings (such as SOCIAL

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