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participate in safeguarding women's constitutional rights" (52). Johnstone is careful to stress that without formal recognition of a positive right to abortion by the federal government, access to abortion care will always remain vulnerable. This book updates an aging literature on abortion politics in Canada. Both its structure and writing style are clear and engaging, and After Morgentaler will no doubt be instructive for scholars and students interested in abortion politics and in Canadian politics more generally. Additionally, it might be informative to those interested in larger questions involving health care, judicial politics, the strategic mobilization of social movements and questions of the federal division of power in Canada. Given that abortion politics are ever changing and that abortion remains an essentially contested issue, After Morgentaler, in some respects, raises as many questions as it answers. For example, innovative reproductive technologies, such as increasingly sophisticated ultrasounds, are sure to change the parameters and contours of both state and non-state approaches to the abortion issue, something largely absent from Johnstone's account. In particular, within the post-Morgentaler context, there has emerged an increasingly pertinent discussion surrounding the self-management of abortion, especially given the relatively recently approved "abortion pill" (mifepristone) in 2015. Thirty years later after Morgentaler, then, and with a plethora of new media and pharmaceutical technologies at our disposal, how do we reassess what women need from abortion legislation, technology, care, access and reproductive justice, while respecting the specific conditions within which abortion is sought? And perhaps more importantly, how might these new conversations transform the ways that abortion politics and provision are negotiated in Canada in the future? While providing a detailed and compelling account of the developments shaping abortion politics in Canada before and after Morgentaler, Johnstone's book raises important questions about where the abortion debate is headed over the next 30 years.

Résumé Cet article vise à expliquer les motifs pour lesquels le Québec finance les écoles privées alors que la province voisine, l'Ontario, ne leur apporte aucune aide directe. L'auteure avance que ces politiques sont liées à la configuration religieuse des provinces au moment de l’établissement de leur système d’éducation. Au Québec, où la religion catholique était dominante, l'autorité de l'État sur l'éducation a été contestée jusqu'au milieu du 20e siècle par l’Église catholique. En revanche, en Ontario, les églises protestantes, qui étaient majoritaires, ne sont pas opposées au développement des écoles publiques. L'État s'est alors rapidement imposé comme l'autorité suprême en matière d'éducation. Au 20e siècle, les politiques des gouvernements des deux provinces ont été influencées par l'héritage des décisions prises un siècle plus tôt.

The food served in Canadian penitentiaries was scrutinized following food service reform where Correctional Service Canada (CSC) created a standardized menu to feed incarcerated male individuals. Food in prison is a complex issue because penitentiaries are responsible for providing adequate nutrition to the prison population, who are vulnerable to poor health outcomes but are often seen as undeserving. This study aimed to analyse the national menu served in Canadian penitentiaries, in order to compare them with Dietary Reference Intakes (DRIs) for male adults and the internal nutritional assessment reported by CSC. The goal was to verify if the menu served was adequate and to validate CSC’s nutritional assessment. The diet analysis software NutrificR was used to analyse the 4-week cycle menu. Both analyses were within range for DRIs for most nutrients. However, some nutrients were not within target. The sodium content (3404.2 mg) was higher than the Tolerable Upper Intake Levels (UL) of 2300 mg, the ω-6 (linolenic acid) content (10.8 g) was below the AI of 14 g, and the vitamin D content (16.2 μg) was below the target of 20 μg for individuals older than 70 years. When these outliers were analysed in-depth, the menu offering was consistent with the eating habits of non-incarcerated individuals. Based on this nutritional analysis and interpretation of the results in light of the complex nature of prison food, this study concludes that CSC meets its obligation to provide a nutritionally adequate menu offering to the general population during incarceration.

claims "politics in Africa is not exceptional" (xiii). Her main interest is institutional commitments to privatization. The main argument of the book is that the outcome of economic reforms depends not only on the kinds of institutional arrangements adopted by states during privatization but also on the nature of party system competition. The analysis draws on a number of datasets covering 27 countries that Pitcher has put together. These are followed by three case studies of the privatization process in Zambia, Mozambique and South Africa. Party Politics and Economic Reform in Africa's Democracies does not target the generalist reader, however, nor does it target political scientists who are not up to date with methodology-driven debates. The main conceptual tool she uses in her analysis is based on the work of Kenneth Shepsle, formal theory professor at Harvard University. As Pitcher puts it, "Kenneth Shepsle's distinction between a commitment that a government makes because it is motivated to do so at that particular moment (motivational commitment) and a commitment that a government adheres to because it is prevented from engaging in any other action without costly consequences (a commitment that is credible in the imperative sense) provides a useful conceptual solution to the problem [of knowing when a government makes a credible commitment to privatisation]" (63). Accordingly, Pitcher uses an index of motivationally credible commitments based on numerical values given to different institutional arrangements. The numbers assigned are based on her own evaluations which rely on formal institutional indicators like constitutions and laws (42). Pitcher acknowledges that this research design is not ideal, but she informs us that she "compensated for this weakness by comparing [her] evaluations with those of several research assistants" working for her (43). Not surprisingly, her analysis confirms what her datasets show: "This book has demonstrated that where African countries have adopted formal institutions designed to expand a private sector-driven economy, economic reform has been substantial" (248). But what is not addressed is how the formal institutions and constitutions can conceal informal power relations that deviate from democratic principles in general and reformist goals in specific. The workings of politics can be quite different from what the constitutions say. In addition to this problem in research design, there is little room for a new elected government by a left party undoing the privatization reforms the previous right-wing party governments had committed to (her argument about party competition allows for piecemeal change, however). And if indeed left and right makes little difference in the countries she examines, then the foundations of the argumentthat is, that one can build on party politics literature from the industrialized world to study economic reforms in Africa-is compromised. It is perhaps for this reason that the case study of South Africa is the strongest chapter in the book. Sou...