This study examines the role that parenting and deviant peers plays on frequency of self-reported violent behavior in the 10th grade, while testing race differences in mean levels and impact of these risk and protective factors. The level and impact of family and peer factors on violent behavior across race are modeled prospectively from 8th to 10th grade in a sample of 331 (nBlack = 162, nWhite = 168) families from Seattle, WA using data from self-administered computer-assisted questionnaires. Mean-level differences indicated greater levels of violent behavior and risk for Black teens in some cases and higher protection in others. Multiple-group structural equation modeling indicated no race differences in predictors of teen violence. Income was also predictive of violent behavior but analyses including both income and race indicated their relationships to violence overlapped so neither was uniquely predictive. Subsequent logistic regressions revealed that both race and income differences in violent behavior were mediated by association with friends who get in serious trouble at school. We conclude higher rates of self-reported violent behavior by Blacks compared to Whites are attributable to lower family income and higher rates of associating with deviant peers at school.

Purpose Adolescent problem behaviors (substance use, delinquency, school dropout, pregnancy, and violence) are costly not only for individuals, but for entire communities. Policymakers and practitioners that are interested in preventing these problem behaviors are faced with many programming options. In this review, we discuss two criteria for selecting relevant parenting programs, and provide five examples of such programs. Design/methodology/approach The first criterion for program selection is theory based. Well-supported theories, such as the social development model, have laid out key family-based risk and protective factors for problem behavior. Programs that target these risk and protective factors are more likely to be effective. Second, programs should have demonstrated efficacy; these interventions have been called “evidence-based programs” (EBP). This review highlights the importance of evidence from rigorous research designs, such as randomized clinical trials, in order to establish program efficacy. Findings Nurse-Family Partnership, The Incredible Years, Positive Parenting Program, Strengthening Families 10–14, and Staying Connected with Your Teen are examined. The unique features of each program are briefly presented. Evidence showing impact on family risk and protective factors, as well as long-term problem behaviors, is reviewed. Finally, a measure of cost effectiveness of each program is provided. Originality/value We propose that not all programs are of equal value, and suggest two simple criteria for selecting a parenting program with a high likelihood for positive outcomes. Furthermore, although this review is not exhaustive, the five examples of EBPs offer a good start for policymakers and practitioners seeking to implement effective programs in their communities. Thus, this paper offers practical suggestions for those grappling with investments in child and adolescent programs on the ground.

Men and women in the United States are living longer (National Center for Health Statistics, 2011). Between 2000 and 2007, life expectancy increased by 1 year for those over the age of 65 years (National Center for Health Statistics, 2011). With more total years and more healthy years (National Center for Health Statistics, 2011), the sex lives of individuals also may be extending. It is surprising, however, that an increase in life expectancy has not produced more research on the sexual experiences of older adults (Schick et al., 2010). The gap in the literature may exist for a number of reasons. First, there is a lack of large surveys focusing on individuals over 50 years of age. National studies on sexuality often have limited their population scope to people less than 50 years of age and have excluded aging populations (Herbenick et al., 2010b). When older individuals are included, they frequently are treated as one group-65 years and older. Second, a cultural stigma is associated with the topic. People do not like to talk about their grandparents' (or for that matter, their parents') sex lives. Many people, and it seems many researchers, would rather assume sex is not happening among the middle-aged, and certainly not among the elderly. Even though the 1948 Kinsey Report and subsequent research has shown quite a bit of sexual activity after age 50, there seems to be a lack of interest in either the causes or consequences of sexual behavior from middle age onward. Third, much of the current research on sexuality has been tied to understanding either fertility or disease and not much else. Because fertility is a less common issue among most people over 50 years in the United States, and disease profiles have been comparatively low in these age-groups, the National Institutes of Health have not made funding studies on the aged a priority.These reasons go a long way to explain why, until very recently, little research has been conducted about the sex lives of older individuals. The lack of research has been frustrating to many medical and behavioral researchers and some writers, like Butler and Lewis, who described later life sexuality as surrounded by a "mythology fed by misinformation" (1993, p. 3; see also Wiley & Bortz, 1996). This chapter seeks to remove the mythical nature of the topic.The discussion about sexuality and aging begins with the acknowledgment that being "older" has changed. Certainly, health issues still affect sexuality, and these problems can and should be taken into account (see Chapter 21, this volume). But the culture of how sexuality is experienced by people older than 50, 60, 70, and beyond is fundamentally different. First, sexual capability has expanded to later and later in the life cycle. The availability of prescription medications to enhance sexual performance and an increasing range of "sexual enhancement products" (e.g., vibrators, artificial lubricants, and herbal arousal concoctions), coupled with cultural messages that raise expectations for sexual activity in later life, a...

Research on race and policing indicates that Black Americans experience a greater frequency of police contacts, discretionary stops, and police harassment when stops occur. Yet, studies examining the long-term consequences of police contact with young people have not examined whether criminal justice consequences of police contact differ by race. We address this issue by examining whether police encounters with children and adolescents predict arrest in young adulthood and if these effects are the same for Black and White individuals. The paper uses longitudinal survey data from 331 Black and White respondents enrolled in the Seattle Public School District as eighth graders in 2001 and 2002. Our findings indicate that police encounters in childhood increase the risk of arrest in young adulthood for Black but not White respondents. Black respondents who experience contact with the police by the eighth grade have eleven times greater odds of being arrested when they are 20 years old than their White counterparts.

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