The issue of the food crisis sticking out long before the Covid-19 pandemic occurred since 2008 and has become a hot topic discussed by regional and global institutions. The recommendation to maximize the private or corporate sector with the support of global scale financialization to move investment in the field of food production is one of the "goals" of the recommendation to create a large-scale food warehouse called a "food estate". This paper aims to analyze the assumptions of the Food Estate Program in Papua. Discussing the assumption that the assumptions of the offices tend to be late so that the importance level is low, there should be an effort to analyze it before there is a decision making, even if the MIFEE program from the central government. The assumption that the community feels disadvantaged by the existence of the MIFEE program, that the loss of forests due to deforestation and the loss of a foraging culture due to ethnocide has led to the disadvantaged community to give the MIFEE proposal a review. The presence of DPRD and NGOs is weak and only able to slow down the program, not until it is canceled. The government as the upper-right quadrant actor has clear strengths and important assumptions, because it is supported by economic and political plans and is oriented towards economic growth. The conclusion is that the assumption of the offices tends to be late even though the MIFEE program from the central government, the assumption of the people who feel disadvantaged by the existence of the MIFEE program, is that the presence of DPRD and NGOs is weak and it slows down the running of the program. The government as an actor in the right-hand quadrant has clear strengths and important assumptions.

The presence of online transportation has a positive and negative impact on the cycle of socio-economic balance in Indonesian society. In the case of West Java, conventional transportation assesses the presence of online transportation as a threat to their economic income. On the other hand, local governments pay attention to the socio-economic impacts caused by reviewing the available regulatory void. This paper aims to analyze the policy of prohibiting online motorcycle taxis from operating in Central Java through the method of problem formulation and argumentation mapping commonly used in public policy studie as well as how to describe the future, offer policy alternative and policy recommendation regarding the fate of online transportation driver due to the prohibition of operating online transportation in West Java. Data obtained through literature study and documentation studies such as electronic and printed news. The results of this paper found that these problems arose as a consequence of technological developments that were not "legible" by regulations. This paper proposes policy recommendations through the formation of regulations at the regional level.

Controversy over the construction of the New Yogyakarta International Airport (NYIA) has occurred since the airport development plan was declared. Because of the overcapacity of passenger and cargo flight activities at Yogyakarta's Adi Sucipto Airport, the government thinks it necessary to build an international standard airport. However, the community and Wahana Tri-Tunggal rejects it because of the NYIA development project, which was projected to take up 637 hectares of land and was feared, would "evict" around 11,000 people. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the land acquisition controversy in the NYIA development plan. The results show that, firstly, there is no consistency with the Regional Regulation of Kulon Progo Regency Number 1 of 2012 relating to Regional Spatial Plans with the NYIA Policy, where Temon District according to Article 7 paragraph 2 is an urban system service center that mainly focuses on agriculture, plantations, and agropolitan and Temon urban area. Tsunami Evacuation which means a protected land area was built by NIYA. Second, the inconsistency of the Minister of Environment Number 5 of 2012 with the NYIA Policy where the development EIA was made after the issuance of the Permit, but land acquisition had occurred before. Third, the deviation from the land productivity-based slogan "Bela Beli Kulon Progo" causes freedom for modern shops to compete with traditional markets. The conclusion is the government, which originally showed its alignment with the agricultural sector through several policies, actually violated existing policies through the NYIA development project and it caused controversy.

The use of salt is wide, including in the chemical industry, various foods and beverages, pharmaceuticals and cosmetics. The decision to import salt is aimed at protecting the sustainability of production in the national industrial sector. Government Regulation Number 9 of 2018 was issued without involving the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (KKP). The PP for Salt Imports removes the authority of the KKP in providing recommendations for importing industrial salt. The salt import made by the government has received legitimacy from the Ministry of Industry because it is seen as being able to increase investment and welfare for the community. However, the import of salt do not have to get recommendations from the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries are a blunder for the government. Because it is very contrary to the constitution. The concepts presented by Thomas Oatley, namely interests, political institutions and Helen V. Milner, namely Interest, Institutions, and Information, are used to analyze salt import policies. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business. 100 percent of industrial salt is still imported, because Indonesia unable to produce salt for industrial needs. Thus, in terms of the political economy of salt business, it can be concluded that the recurring issue of salt scarcity has been caused by serious errors in the political economy of the salt business in Indonesia. This mistake, objectively, can be traced from the behavior of salt business players and the government to reform for a better Indonesian salt business.