This paper examines the regulatory regimes surrounding the operations of intermediaries who facilitate Ethiopian women's employment as contract domestic workers in the Middle East. Drawing on empirical research in Ethiopia, Lebanon, and Kuwait, the paper focuses on the commonly observed problem of "regulatory failure," as states and international agencies frequently fail to achieve their objectives in the regulation of intermediaries of migration. This paper argues that a decentered approach to regulation can provide a productive diagnosis of regulatory failure, one that recognizes how power may be dispersed between social actors and (non-unitary) state actors and how it is differentially exercised across multiple regulatory regimes within this migration trajectory.

This paper investigates the healthcare needs, access to healthcare, and healthcare strategies of Ethiopian migrant domestic workers (MDWs) in Lebanon, drawing on qualitative empirical research. The analysis focusses on four types of health care needs: minor illnesses, pregnancies, serious illnesses (such as cancer, tuberculosis or heart problems), and emergencies (due to accidents, suicide attempts or assaults). Predictably, access to healthcare is distinctly differentiated according to an MDW's status as a documented, freelancer, or undocumented worker. Drawing on the concepts of systemic health inequities and inter-personal racial discrimination, the paper provides evidence for inequitable access to healthcare experienced by Ethiopian women in Lebanon. I identify the specific forms of exclusion they experience and develop a matrix for analysis of systemic inequities in access to healthcare differentiated by migrant status.

Since the late 1990s, there has been a dramatic increase in the numbers of Ethiopian women working on short-term contracts as domestic workers in Gulf countries. Drawing on primary research conducted in Ethiopia and in Kuwait, this paper analyzes the gendered production of the migration trajectory of Ethiopian women domestic workers to the Gulf countries. The paper maps the linkages between the gendered political economies and the policy choices of both sending and receiving countries to argue first, that there is evidence for the Ethiopian government's role as a ‘labor brokerage state,’ although its regulatory capacity is weak. Second, the paper argues that the assumption that the demand for migrant domestic workers is driven by national women entering the workforce is not necessarily true in the Gulf countries, where the ‘social compact’ and the kafala or sponsorship system are primary institutional drivers of the demand for migrant domestic workers. The paper concludes with reflections on the consequences of Ethiopian women's migration for social reproduction across national boundaries.

No abstract

No abstract