Research comparing the leadership styles of women and men is reviewed, and evidence is found for both the presence and the absence of differences between the sexes. In contrast to the gender-stereotypic expectation that women lead in an interpersonally orientedstyle and men in a task-oriented style, female and male leaders did not differ in these two styles in organizationalstudies. However, these aspects of leadership style were somewhat gender stereotypic in the two other classes of leadership studies investigated, namely (a) laboratory experiments and (b) assessment studies, which were defined as research that assessed the leadership styles of people not selected for occupancy of leadership roles. Consistent with stereotypic expectations about a different aspect of leadership style, the tendency to lead democratically or autocratically, women tended to adopt a more democratic or participative style and a less autocratic or directive style than did men. This sex difference appeared in all three classes of leadership studies, including those conducted in organizations. These and other findings are interpreted in terms of a social role theory of sex differences in social behavior.In recent years many social scientists, management consultants, and other writers have addressed the topic of gender and leadership style. Some authors with extensive experience in organizations who write nontechnical books for management audiences and the general public have argued for the presence of sex differences in leadership style. For example, Loden (1985) maintained that there is a masculine mode of management characterized by qualities such as competitiveness, hierarchical authority, high control for the leader, and unemotional and analytic problem solving. Loden argued that women prefer and tend to behave in terms of an alternative feminine leadership model characterized by cooperativeness, collaboration of managers and subordinates, lower control for the leader, and problem solving based on intuition and empathy as well as rationality. Loden's writing echoes the androgynous manager theme developed earlier by Sargent (198 l), who accepted the idea that women and men, including those who are managers in organizations, behave stereotypically to some extent. Sargent advocated that managers of each sex adopt "the best" of the other This research was supported by National Science Foundation Grants BNS-8605256 and BNS-8807495. Preliminary reports of this research were presented at the Annual Meetings of the Eastern Psychological Association, April 1988; the Midwestern Psychological Association, April 1988; the International Congress o f Psychology, September 1988; and the American Psychological Association, August 1989. A table showing the effect sizes and study characteristics for each study included in the meta-analysis is available from the first author.We thank Anna Fairchild for assistance in locating studies and in recording and checking data. We also thank Judith Hall, Edwin E Hollander, Judi Komaki, Louis Sternberg, Howard ...

BackgroundMeta-analyses of antidepressant medications have reported only modest benefits over placebo treatment, and when unpublished trial data are included, the benefit falls below accepted criteria for clinical significance. Yet, the efficacy of the antidepressants may also depend on the severity of initial depression scores. The purpose of this analysis is to establish the relation of baseline severity and antidepressant efficacy using a relevant dataset of published and unpublished clinical trials.Methods and FindingsWe obtained data on all clinical trials submitted to the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for the licensing of the four new-generation antidepressants for which full datasets were available. We then used meta-analytic techniques to assess linear and quadratic effects of initial severity on improvement scores for drug and placebo groups and on drug–placebo difference scores. Drug–placebo differences increased as a function of initial severity, rising from virtually no difference at moderate levels of initial depression to a relatively small difference for patients with very severe depression, reaching conventional criteria for clinical significance only for patients at the upper end of the very severely depressed category. Meta-regression analyses indicated that the relation of baseline severity and improvement was curvilinear in drug groups and showed a strong, negative linear component in placebo groups.ConclusionsDrug–placebo differences in antidepressant efficacy increase as a function of baseline severity, but are relatively small even for severely depressed patients. The relationship between initial severity and antidepressant efficacy is attributable to decreased responsiveness to placebo among very severely depressed patients, rather than to increased responsiveness to medication.

In this review, the authors examine the basis for the mnemonic superiority that results from relating material to the self. A meta-analysis confirms the expected self-reference effect (SRE) in memory, with self-referent encoding strategies yielding superior memory relative to both semantic and otherreferent encoding strategies. Consistent with theory and research that suggest self-reference (SR) produces both organized and elaborate processing, the SRE was smaller (a) when SR is compared with other-reference (OR) rather than semantic encoding and (b) when the comparison tasks promote both organization and elaboration. Thus, the SRE appears to result primarily because the self is a well-developed and often-used construct that promotes elaboration and organization of encoded information. The authors discuss the implications of these and other findings for theories of the SRE and for future research.Throughout the history of psychology, researchers have used the self as a central part of their explanations of various phenomena (see Banaji & Prentice, 1994;G. T. Greenwald & Pratkanis, 1984;and James, 1890). A large body of research suggests that the self-structure is unique, relative to other concepts (e.g., those about other people; see Kihlstrom et al., 1988;Markus, 1977;and Rogers, Kuiper, & Kirker, 1977), in its motivational and affective implications as well as in its structure and content. Social psychologists have long posited an important affective role for the self-concept (e.g., C. W. Sherif, Sherif, & Nebergall, 1965;M. Sherif & Cantril, 1947). More recently, appraisal theories of emotion have emphasized the phenomenological importance of the self in the interpretation of events and the resulting effect on emotions (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). From a motivational standpoint, examples of the self's pervasive influence abound. For example, the tendency to attribute another person's behavior to dispositional factors but one's own behavior to situational factors presumably occurs because the self dominates one's phenomenal perspective (Ross & Nisbett, 1991;Storms, 1973). Similarly, both self-serving biases and defense mechanisms have been attributed to self-protective or self-enhancing

To examine how well the theories of reasoned action and planned behavior predict condom use, the authors synthesized 96 data sets (N = 22,594) containing associations between the models' key variables. Consistent with the theory of reasoned action's predictions, (a) condom use was related to intentions (weighted mean r. = .45), (b) intentions were based on attitudes (r. = .58) and subjective norms (r. = .39), and (c) attitudes were associated with behavioral beliefs (r. = .56) and norms were associated with normative beliefs (r. = .46). Consistent with the theory of planned behavior's predictions, perceived behavioral control was related to condom use intentions (r. = . 45) and condom use (r. = .25), but in contrast to the theory, it did not contribute significantly to condom use. The strength of these associations, however, was influenced by the consideration of past behavior. Implications of these results for HIV prevention efforts are discussed.Because condom use can prevent infection with HIV and other STDs, health agencies have designed various interdisciplinary efforts, oriented by behavioral prediction models, to persuade people to use condoms consistently. For example, the health belief model (Becker, 1974;Rosenstock, 1974) posits in part that increasing perceptions of vulnerability to HIV infection should increase precautionary behavior. Yet a recent quantitative synthesis found that chronic perceived vulnerability to HIV infection in members of high-risk groups is insufficient to motivate protective actions (Gerrard, Gibbons, & Bushman, 1996; but see Bryan, Aiken, & West, 1996). The limited support for the perceived-risk hypothesis suggests a need for other behavioral models of HIV-risk-related behavior.In the present article, we modeled condom use behavior on the basis of two general theories of behavior: (a) the theory of reasoned action (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1977, 1980Fishbein, 1980; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975) and (b) the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1988(Ajzen, , 1991 Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to: Dolores Albarracín, Department of Psychology, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32611. albarrac@psych.ufl.edu. HHS Public Access Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptAuthor ManuscriptAuthor Manuscript Ajzen & Driver, 1991;Ajzen & Madden, 1986;Schifter & Ajzen, 1985). Given that these models have predicted a wide range of behaviors successfully (see reviews by Ajzen, 1991; Eagly & Chaiken, 1993;Sheppard, Hartwick, & Warshaw, 1988) and have served as a basis for several HIV prevention efforts (e.g., Kamb, Dillon, Fishbein, Willis, & Project RESPECT Study Group, 1996; Kamb et al., 1998), we expected that they would also be valuable to predict condom use (cf. Sheeran & Orbell, 1998). The large number of studies that have now examined these models in relation to condom use (see Albarracín & Fishbein, 1993) and the variability of the findings suggest that a quantitative synthesis of this literature would prove valuable. Therefore, the purpose of the pre...