In this paper, the authors analyze the advantages and limitations of freelancing in four countries of Western Balkan. This work is based on the research with a total sample of 1031 respondents; 408 respondents from Serbia, 201 from Montenegro, 221 from North Macedonia, and 201 from Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the needs of the research, a special questionnaire was constructed and conducted by an electronic survey. The first goal of the research is to describe the functioning of freelancers in four countries, and the second is to describe the similarities and differences between countries of Western Balkan. In general, freelancers in all four countries have positive attitudes towards freelancing, although there are differences between them. Freelancers are especially satisfied with their income, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina with flexible working hours. No statistically significant differences were found among freelancers from four countries of Western Balkan in the structure of jobs they have worked in the last two years, nor in the assessment of the positive effects of new technologies on new forms of employment. They do not differ either in understanding that the work in the "Gig Economy" had less negative than positive effects on their private lives and in the fact that there are no differences in the assessment of the positive effects of freelance on the quality of life. They are no differences in terms of the proposed measures to improve the position of workers in the "Gig Economy". Unfortunately, there are also no differences in basic social rights (lack of health, disability, and pension insurance). The most significant differences have been noted between freelancers from Montenegro and freelancers from the other three countries. Freelancers from Montenegro see less positive contributions working in the "Gig Economy" than others, and they significantly more often believe that the "Gig Economy" can’t reduce unemployment and prevent brain drain abroad. The authors explain the negative attitudes of freelancers from Montenegro towards their work in the "Gig Economy" with the lower prevalence of freelancers, poorer job structure, and lower income with an unfavorable socioeconomic status.

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In this study, the authors analyzed the problematic use of pornographic websites and Internet sex addiction in representative samples of respondents from different age groups including 2948 respondents from Serbia and 1486 from Montenegro. A standard questionnaire of 33 questions with answers in binary form was used. In addition to epidemiological indicators, the study also included nine family risk factors and six risk factors associated with early psychosocial developmental disorders. Finally, the social profiles of Internet sex addicts in Serbia and Montenegro were described. The results of the research showed that Internet sex addicts are mostly young adults aged 20 to 30. The overall dependency rate was estimated within average limits. In general, Internet sex addiction is among the lowest of all behavioral addictions. The authors see the reason for this in the greatest potency of this addiction for the development of addictive patterns of behavior, but also in the great predictiveness of this addiction together with the gambling addiction for the emergence and development of other behavioral addictions. All examined risk factors (except for shyness and reticence) do "separate" Internet sex addicts from those who do not have the listed risk factors at zero level of significance. However, an examination of the prediction of Internet sex addiction using binary logistic regression showed that aggressive and criminal behaviors in early youth, followed by disorders in educational and emotional relations between parents and children, have the highest predictive values for Internet sex addiction. Social profiles are unclear and unstructured, and the authors explain this by the fact that biological, not sociological, and sociocultural factors play a dominant role in developing addictive patterns of behavior.