ResumoNo Brasil, o ano de 1968 é lembrado pelos confrontos violentos entre o movimento estudantil e o regime militar. o artigo sustenta que não é possível entender a crise de 1968 sem levar em conta um grupo ignorado pela maioria dos estudos -os políticos civis que eram ligados aos estudantes por laços de classe social e sangue. Cada vez mais decepcionados após 4 anos de regime militar autoritário que havia tirado várias das suas prerrogativas, muitos políticos se enfureceram ao ver a repressão violenta de manifestantes estudantis, juntaram-se a passeatas e defenderam os estudantes em ações e palavras. esse apoio a estudantes esquerdistas, que culminou nos discursos de Márcio Moreira Alves atacando as Forças Armadas, criaram divergências irreconciliáveis entre polí-ticos e militares, levando à decretação do Ato Institucional n o 5, em dezembro. Palavras-chave: movimento estudantil; políticos; Universidade de Brasília. Abstract 1968 in Brazil has long been remembered for the violent showdown between the student movement and military regime. This article argues that we cannot understand the crisis of 1968 without taking into account a group that most studies have ignored -the civilian politicians who were bound to university students by ties of social class and blood. As they grew increasingly frustrated after four years of authoritarian military rule that had taken away many of their prerogatives, many politicians were infuriated as the regime violently repressed protesting students, and they joined marches and defended the students with their actions and words. This support for leftist students, culminating in Márcio Moreira Alves's speeches attacking the military, created irreconcilable differences between politicians and the military, leading in December to the decree of Institutional Act no. 5

This article explores the geographies of desire that inform contact between gay Brazilian tourists and the men they encounter abroad. It argues that Brazilian men largely embrace the sexualized image of themselves that circulates globally and value foreign men according to their proximity to whiteness. By studying tourists who hail from the Global South, their imaginings of the Global North, and the ways they exoticize themselves, the article brings a new perspective to the scholarship on tourism, which usually focuses on North-to-South travel.

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The Arabs who remained suffered from the trauma of the Nakba and its consequences for a long time. They were overcome by a sense of loss, confusion, and incapacitating anger, as well as a sense of betrayal and humiliation in the wake of the defeat. The vast majority were peasants (fellahin) who lost the Palestinian city and so, like flocks without shepherds, had to adapt on their own to the new tragic reality and to the language and laws of their new rulers. These laws and policies aimed to further restrict them and to grab their remaining lands and property. However, the leaders of Israel were still unsatisfied, and continued to look for the means and the appropriate time to rid themselves of the remaining minority. Thus, the remaining Palestinians spent their first years in their estranged homeland tormented by the fear of being uprooted and displaced. himself to fiercely attack Elias Khoury, relying on Morris's The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, Morris had published a new book, Correcting a Mistake, in which he cast doubt on some of his previous findings. 37 In an article on Operation Hiram in the Galilee, Morris affirmed the large number of massacres, expulsions, and acts of terrorizing the population carried out by the Israeli army to expel Palestinians from the Galilee outside Israel's borders. He went on: "Our information about these massacres is very limited because of the secrecy imposed by Israeli army archives on the relevant documents. " 38 We will just have to wait to see-if these secret documents are declassified-what they will add to our knowledge. Until that happens, are the victims supposed to go to their graves without being

federal deputy Ulysses Guimarães, national president of the MDB, stood at the rostrum of the Senate in Brasília. The party had just nominated him as its "anti-candidate" to run for president against General Ernesto Geisel, the regime's anointed candidate, in the 1974 electoral college vote, where ARENA would enjoy a massive advantage. Gazing over the heads of the delegates, Guimarães gave a grandiloquent acceptance speech filled with allusions to Portuguese poetry and Greek mythology that would have been incomprehensible to working-class Brazilians. At its crescendo, he declared, "'It is necessary to navigate. It is not necessary to live. ' Stationed today in the crow's nest, I hope to God that soon I will be able to shout to the Brazilian people, 'Good news, my Captain! Land in sight!' Without shadow, without fear, without nightmares, the pure and blessed land of liberty is in sight!" 1 Guimarães was saying that the MDB was driven by the desire to take a stand. In the audience there was a new generation of deputies dubbed autênticos (authentics) who agreed; no matter the risks, the opposition should fearlessly stand up to tyranny. Yet many of those assembled were less interested in taking a stand than surviving. As Minas Gerais deputy Tancredo Neves warned the Bahian autêntico Francisco Pinto, "Son, don't put your chest on the tip of the bayonet! Let's just stay sheltered under the tree and wait for the storm to pass. " 2 But in the years following the decree of AI-5, it looked as though the storm might never pass. Congress had become a rubber stamp for the regime. Leftist university students had been driven into exile or opted for armed resistance, and the military was marshaling all its firepower to annihilate them. Meanwhile, under the guidance of Finance Minister Delfim Neto, the economy grew at an annual clip of nearly 11 percent between 1969 and 1974, and the "Brazilian miracle" generated an approval rating