21<sup>st</sup> Century Golpismo: A NACLA Roundtable

Pitts, Bryan; Joyce, Rosemary A.; Sheptak, Russell N.; Hetherington, Kregg; Castillo, Marco; Ioris, Rafael R.

doi:10.1080/10714839.2016.1258276

Cited by 26 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…However, their use has mushroomed in recent decades, particularly in Latin America. We found evidence of the recent invention or adaptation of qualifiers such as “soft” (Pitts et al, 2016), “parliamentary” (Santos and Guarneri, 2016), “presidential” or “democratic” (Varol, 2017), “constitutional” (Helmke, 2017; Yarwood, 2016), “market” or “neo-liberal” (Mauceri, 1995), “electoral” (Hellinger, 2005), “slow-motion” (Polga Hecimovich et al, 2017), “civil society” (Encarnación, 2002), and “judicial” (Yavuz and Koç, 2016). Many of these terms are piled together in Gentili’s (2016) volume on the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in Brazil.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 83%

Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?

Marsteintredet

Malamud

2019

Political Studies

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Was Brazil’s President Dilma Rousseff victim of a coup or removed through a legal process of impeachment? The heated debate on the 2016 ousting of Brazil’s president testifies to the growing controversy around the definition of coups. Focusing on Latin America, we show that the use of coups with adjectives have become more frequent in public and scholarly debates. Occurring at a time when coups are becoming rarer, we argue that this development is linked to prevalence-induced concept change, meaning that when instances of a concept become less prevalent, the understanding of the concept expands. The meaning of coups has expanded through a proliferation of adjectives. Coups with adjectives are not new, but recent usage changes the concept from a classic to a family resemblance structure. Although this strategy can avoid stretching and increase differentiation, we urge caution and warn against harmful consequences, whether conceptual, theoretical, or practical.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 83%

Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?

Marsteintredet

Malamud

2019

Political Studies

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“…Despite Latin American studies’ founding in the United States as a tool for the advancement of U.S. policy in the region, since the 1960s Latin Americanists, often influenced by Marxist, anti-imperialist colleagues in Latin America, have emerged as forceful opponents of U.S. meddling (Berger, 1995)—until now. At first, this was due to a lack of direct evidence of U.S. involvement; indeed, two of us asserted in 2016 that there was no evidence of U.S. involvement in the parliamentary coup against Dilma (Pitts et al, 2016). But even as evidence emerged that Lava Jato was inherently biased against the PT and that its efforts were actively supported by the United States, scholars remained silent.…”

Section: Scholarship Anti-imperialism and Imperialist Blind Spotsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Anticorruption and Imperialist Blind Spots: The Role of the United States in Brazil’s Long Coup

Mier,

Pitts,

Swart

et al. 2023

Latin American Perspectives

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A comprehensive examination of the evidence available, contained in U.S. government statements, English-language media accounts, and hacked Telegram chats among Brazilian prosecutors, indicates that the United States was closely involved in the "long coup" that removed the left from power in Brazil in 2016 and secured the election of the far-right in 2018. Just as after Brazil’s U.S.-backed 1964 coup, this evidence has largely been ignored by U.S. scholars. Latin Americanists would do well to return to the anti-imperialist tradition that established our field as a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy. Um exame abrangente das evidências disponíveis, contidas em declarações do governo dos EUA, relatos da mídia em inglês e bate-papos hackeados no Telegram entre promotores da justiça no Brasil, indica que os Estados Unidos estiveram intimamente envolvidos no "longo golpe" que removeu a esquerda do poder no Brasil em 2016 e garantiu a eleição da extrema-direita em 2018. Tal como depois do golpe de Estado de 1964 apoiado pelos EUA, esta evidência tem sido amplamente ignorada pelos académicos norte-americanos. Os latino-americanistas fariam bem em regressar à tradição anti-imperialista que estabeleceu o nosso campo como um dos principais críticos da política externa dos EUA.

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“…Even as the focus in democratization scholarship shifted to the backsliding in both third wave and established democracies, the prevalent approach to civil–military studies has not changed, mainly because the chief culprits of democratic backsliding in the vast majority of cases have been not soldiers, but civilian politicians, whether elected executives or conspiratorial legislators (Schedler, 2006; Diamond, 2015; Bermeo, 2016; Levitsky and Ziblatt, 2018). While militaries have not been absent from the frequent civilian versus civilian clashes in Latin America, such as in Paraguay in 2012, Brazil in 2016, and Bolivia in 2019, they have not been the main protagonists either (Pion-Berlin and Trinkunas, 2010; Pitts et al, 2016; Pérez-Liñán and Hecimovich, 2017; Kuehn and Trinkunas, 2017).…”

Section: Military Activism Tutelage and Stealth Interventionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Brazil’s Stealth Military Intervention

Akkoyunlu

Lima

2021

Journal of Politics in Latin America

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Between 2016 and 2020, a group of activist generals successfully plotted the Brazilian military's gradual return to the political center stage with powers unseen since the dictatorship. They achieved this without formally breaking the law, suspending the democratic process or overthrowing the government. We call this a “stealth intervention,” an incremental yet systematic attempt to redesign politics without causing a rupture, that fits neither in the existing typology of coups nor in the literature on democratic backsliding. We argue that Brazil’ stealth intervention, built upon the military’s existing tutelary prerogatives and driven by an unreformed praetorian worldview that resurfaced amidst a sustained crisis of democracy, challenges the prevalent view of the armed forces as a reactive force that intervenes in civilian politics only when its institutional interests are threatened. Finally, we show that democratic backsliding in Brazil started under Bolsonaro’s predecessor, Michel Temer, and point to the generals’ understudied role in this process.

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21^st Century Golpismo: A NACLA Roundtable

Cited by 26 publications

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Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?

Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?

Anticorruption and Imperialist Blind Spots: The Role of the United States in Brazil’s Long Coup

Brazil’s Stealth Military Intervention

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21st Century Golpismo: A NACLA Roundtable

Cited by 26 publications

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Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?

Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?

Anticorruption and Imperialist Blind Spots: The Role of the United States in Brazil’s Long Coup

Brazil’s Stealth Military Intervention

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21^st Century Golpismo: A NACLA Roundtable