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The National Study of Protest Events (NSPE) employed hypernetwork sampling to generate the first-ever nationally representative sample of protest events. Nearly complete information about various event characteristics was collected from participants in 1,037 unique protests across the United States in 2010 to 2011. The first part of this article reviews extant methodologies in protest-event research and discusses how the NSPE overcomes their recognized limitations. Next, we detail how the NSPE was conducted and present descriptive statistics for a number of important event characteristics. The hypernetwork sample is then compared to newspaper reports of protests. As expected, we find many differences in the types of events these sources capture. At the same time, the overall number and magnitude of the differences are likely to be surprising. By contrast, little variation is observed in how protesters and journalists described features of the same events. NSPE data have many potential applications in the field of contentious politics and social movements, and several possibilities for future research are outlined.

This article analyzes the relationship between neighborhood development organizations (NDOs) and neighborhood disadvantage in Chicago between 1990 and 2010. NDOs are often seen as interdependent partners with local and state governments in the co-production of social welfare, but not all have equally beneficial effects. Instead, NDOs are associated with lowering rates of disadvantage in majority non-Hispanic White neighborhoods, leaving other neighborhoods behind, especially predominately Black neighborhoods. Organizational resources and residential mobility help explain this inequality. NDOs in majority Black neighborhoods are less likely to have the organizational resources that enable NDOs to affect neighborhood disadvantage. When NDOs are associated with the lowering of neighborhood disadvantage, it is often in neighborhoods with preexisting advantage or high rates of residential mobility. As cities continue to rely on nonprofit organizations such as NDOs for neighborhood development, this research gives a clearer understanding of how this reliance may contribute to perpetuating racial inequalities.

The authors offer a theoretical framework that resolves conflicting ideas found in extant theory pertaining to moral reform movements. The framework focuses on how community attributes, particularly the relative size of populations affiliated with supportive belief systems, shape moral reform activism by affecting both the convictions and motivations of potential supporters. The theory is applied in an analysis of county-level variation in the presence of antiabortion pregnancy centers (PCs). The authors find that the proportion of individuals affiliated with Roman Catholicism or evangelical denominations has a curvilinear relationship with PC establishment, reflecting the way in which group size can affirm convictions that are the lifeblood of moral reform but can also reduce motivation to act when the size of the group surpasses majority status. The authors also find that PCs are more likely to be found in communities where gender roles are relatively egalitarian. While some scholars have bemoaned the decline in social capital reflected in "bowling alone" imagery (Putnam 2000), others have proclaimed that we now 1 We are grateful to the Guttmacher Institute for providing us with data on abortion clinics. Some of the data utilized in this study were made available by the American Religion Data

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