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Abstract

Bergman, I., and Casswell, C. (1972). Brit. J. industr. Med., 29, 160-168. Lung dust and lung iron contents of coal workers in different coalfields in Great Britain. Lung dust analyses from seven coalfields are studied and it is found that the average dust composition varies significantly with the rank of coal. The higher the rank, the higher the coal percentage and the lower the quartz percentage of the lung dust. This holds for all coalfields except in Scotland, where the lung dust contains mainly soot instead of coal.Samples of airborne dust collected at the coalface in different coalfields show a similar but small variability of composition with rank of coal, and the results from Scotland are in good agreement with the results from other coalfields.The amount of iron in simple pneumoconiosis lungs is related to their mineral and coal contents anid to the factor 'years underground'. The strongest relationship is with coal and mineral for coalface workers from England. For (Gordon and Harris, 1956), and for this reason the data given by King and Gilchrist (1945) and King et al. (1956) are not considered here. Lung dusts of coal miners consist mainly of coal and the minerals quartz, mica, and kaolin. Quartz is a specific hazard which causes silicosis when its proportion in the airborne dust or lung dust is large 160 on 7 June 2019 by guest. Protected by copyright.

In response to Timothy Darvill's article, ‘Mythical rings?’ (this issue), which argues for an alternative interpretation of Waun Mawn circle and its relationship with Stonehenge, Parker Pearson and colleagues report new evidence from the Welsh site and elaborate on aspects of their original argument. The discovery of a hearth at the centre of the circle, as well as further features around its circumference, reinforces the authors’ original interpretation. The authors explore the evidence for the construction sequence, which was abandoned before the completion of the monument. Contesting Darvill's argument that the Aubrey Holes at Stonehenge originally held posts, the authors reassert their interpretation of this circle of cut features as Bluestone settings.

Archaeology is said to add value to development, creating a deeper sense of place, community identity as well as improving health and wellbeing. Accentuating these wider social values has been welcomed by a profession keen to broaden its public relevance and legitimacy and protect its seat at the table in modern cultural life, but how much, if at all, do the public actually benefit from developer-led archaeology? Benefits to individuals and communities from archaeology projects are often abstract, intangible and difficult to attribute, and the discipline arguably lacks a satisfactory frame of reference around which it can express and design for these additional social values. Drawing on the language of social impact investing, this article will explore how the UK-based collaborative platform, DigVentures, has addressed this challenge. It introduces a 'Theory of Change' and 'Standards of Evidence' framework to account for the impact of development-led archaeology programmes, illustrating the causal links between activity and change through the case of the Pontefract Castle Gatehouse Project. It is complemented by a short documentary film exploring the spectrum of digital and physical opportunities for participation by the public alongside a team of highly experienced professional field archaeologists, demonstrating how development-led archaeology can be designed to accomplish far more than answer a planning brief.