This article examines the evolving defi nition of transparency from a postmodernist approach. It traces the meaning of transparency from its use by nongovernmental and supranational organizations to its use in the international relations, nonprofi t, public policy, and administration literature. It fi nds that the defi nition of transparency reveals three metaphors: transparency as a public value embraced by society to counter corruption, transparency synonymous with open decision-making by governments and nonprofi ts, and transparency as a complex tool of good governance in programs, policies, organizations, and nations. In the fi rst metaphor, transparency is subtly intertwined with accountability. In the second, as transparency encourages openness, it increases concerns for secrecy and privacy. In the third, policymakers create transparency alongside accountability, effi ciency, and effectiveness. The analysis concludes that these meanings affect the way organization members conduct and will conduct their day-to-day activities and how policies are and will be created. Transparency is becoming an unoffi cial mandate by the public and is often a legal mandate.
Muslims are a growing segment of the American workforce, both in the public and private sectors. With the World Trade Center disaster, public employers are now more aware of the presence of Muslims and, perhaps, concerned about how they will be integrated into their workforce. This article provides a description of Islamic religious practices. It then reviews the role of the First Amendment, state religious freedom acts and civil rights laws as protections afforded to religious persons in the public sector. Through a review of court cases from 1994 to 2001, it describes the status of court protections for Muslim religious practice in the public workforce.
This article examines the commonly accepted assumption that opinions of crime and disorder in rural areas are similar. This is contrasted with the theory that views are based on the environment in which we live, work, and go to school. It uses the responses of approximately 150 officers, 150 youth, and more than 5,000 adults in Maine to test theories. Results show that officers, youth, and adults do not generally agree on the seriousness of crime and disorder in Maine. They did agree that speeding was a concern. Officers, perhaps reflecting their environment, their knowledge of crime, and the police subculture, viewed crime and disorder problems as more of a concern than adults, with youth falling in between.
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