According to the theory of representative bureaucracy, passive representation among public employees will lead to active representation in bureaucratic outputs. Existing research demonstrates that the link between passive and active representation exists for race but not for sex. Past research on this topic has not, however, taken into account the contextual environment that affects whether sex will translate into gender and lead to active representation in the bureaucracy. In this paper, we create a framework that specifies the conditions that affect whether passive representation results in active representation for sex and then test this framework using the case of education. We find that passive representation of women in education leads to active representation and that the institutional context affects the extent to which this link between passive and active representation occurs.

Facial stimuli are widely used in behavioural and brain science research to investigate emotional facial processing. However, some studies have demonstrated that dynamic expressions elicit stronger emotional responses compared to static images. To address the need for more ecologically valid and powerful facial emotional stimuli, we created Dynamic FACES, a database of morphed videos (n = 1026) from younger, middle-aged, and older adults displaying naturalistic emotional facial expressions (neutrality, sadness, disgust, fear, anger, happiness). To assess adult age differences in emotion identification of dynamic stimuli and to provide normative ratings for this modified set of stimuli, healthy adults (n = 1822, age range 18-86 years) categorised for each video the emotional expression displayed, rated the expression distinctiveness, estimated the age of the face model, and rated the naturalness of the expression. We found few age differences in emotion identification when using dynamic stimuli. Only for angry faces did older adults show lower levels of identification accuracy than younger adults. Further, older adults outperformed middle-aged adults' in identification of sadness. The use of dynamic facial emotional stimuli has previously been limited, but Dynamic FACES provides a large database of high-resolution naturalistic, dynamic expressions across adulthood. Information on using Dynamic FACES for research purposes can be found at http://faces.mpib-berlin.mpg.de .

The biosynthetic pathways and multiple functions of purine nucleotides are well known. However, the pathways that respond to alterations in purine nucleotide synthesis in vivo in an animal model organism have not been identified. We examined the effects of inhibiting purine de novo synthesis in vivo and in cultured cells of Drosophila melanogaster. The purine de novo synthesis gene ade2 encodes phosphoribosylformylglycinamidine synthase (EC 6.3.5.3). An ade2 deletion, generated by P-element transposon excision, causes lethality in early pupal development, with darkening, or necrosis, of leg and wing imaginal disc tissue upon disc eversion. Together with analysis of a previously isolated weaker allele, ade2 4 , and an allele of the Prat gene, which encodes an enzyme for the first step in the pathway, we determined that the lethal arrest and imaginal disc phenotypes involve apoptosis. A transgene expressing the baculovirus caspase inhibitor p35, which suppresses apoptosis caused by other stresses such as DNA damage, suppresses both the imaginal disc tissue darkening and the pupal lethality of all three purine de novo synthesis mutants. Furthermore, we showed the presence of apoptosis at the cellular level in both ade2 and Prat mutants by detecting TUNEL-positive nuclei in wing imaginal discs. Purine de novo synthesis inhibition was also examined in tissue culture by ade2 RNA interference followed by analysis of genome-wide changes in transcript levels. Among the upregulated genes was HtrA2, which encodes an apoptosis effector and is thus a candidate for initiating apoptosis in response to purine depletion.

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The Liberal Tradition in America is truly an exceptional book. Its conceptual framework has been widely criticized as wrongheaded, and each of its organizing theses has been held to be historically inaccurate. Nonetheless, it continues to figure as a central text for scholars in political studies and American studies. We teach it regularly in graduate seminars, allow the problems it raises to shape our research agendas, and organize symposia to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of its publication. Indeed, it is tempting to suggest that, if nothing else, Louis Hartz long ago proved that it is more desirable to be interesting than to be right. To that end, I write here to register an appreciation of his work even as I acknowledge the aptness of much of the criticism to which it has been subjected. To my mind, a Hartz who has been refined and reframed by decades of criticism can still offer valuable insight into America and America's engagement with the world, particularly in a moment of caustic political and sharp economic divisions that would seem to belie the consensus he emphasized, and in the midst of the emergence of forthrightly illiberal doctrines shaping both American domestic and foreign policy. HARTZ'S LIBERAL TENSIONSHartz's work assailed, even as it brought theoretical sophistication to, what he called the "storybook truth about American history," that American politics is shaped by a continuous tradition of Lockean liberalism. 1 Settled as a place of escape from the religious, political, and social dogmas of the Old World, Amer-ica's most unique and fundamental historical feature, as Hartz saw it, is defined by an absence, or more precisely, by three related absences: lacking the constitutive ground of feudalism, with its strict -and strictly fixed -structures of wealth and authority, America failed to develop both a genuinely revolutionary tradition and a genuinely conservative defense of the old order. American politics and American history are thus structured, he argued, not primarily by class conflict but by political struggles conducted for the most part against a background of shared commitment to liberal values and institutions. But for all of the apparent social pliability, for all of the formal liberty and equality bequeathed by America's distinctive development, the legacy of American liberalism is not more freedom, Hartz contended, but less. In the United States, the "fixed dogmatic liberalism of a liberal way of life" (9) produces a cult of liberal constitutionalism, a language of political rights that exerts an unshakable hold over the American political imagination, a tyranny of unanimity by which nominally democratic processes achieve the suppression of free thought, free speech, and free action with a dispatch and thoroughness that eluded centuries of European despots and Divine Right absolutists. What most animates Hartz's book, then, is its apprehension of a paradox at the heart of American politics: liberal freedom is most imperiled not by external adversaries, but by liberalism's...