In March 1855, a literary newspaper in Rio de Janeiro printed the first installment of Nísia Floresta's “Páginas de uma vida obscura,” a serialized short story inspired by Harriet Beecher Stowe'sUncle Tom's Cabin(1852). Seven more chapters followed, keeping “Páginas” in the public eye for months. TheJornal do Commercio, arguably the national paper of record, mentioned the story in its announcements. Floresta (pseudonym of Dionísia Gonçalves Pinto, 1810–1885) centered her storyline on the Congo-born Domingos, the “Brazilian Tom,” who exemplified the attributes of Christian virtuosity and resignation found in Stowe's internationally famous novel. Set in the nineteenth century, “Páginas” begins with the ten-year-old Domingos's enslavement on the African coast, and highlights the human devastation of the internal slave trade through his movements across Minas Gerais and on to Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro. It ends with Domingos's death, at age 54, grief-stricken over his son's recent passing. In part, Floresta's “Páginas” emerged from the Brazilian schoolteacher's longstanding critiques of patriarchy, nation, and education. Twenty years earlier, Floresta had drawn from Mary Wollstonecraft'sA Vindication of the Rights of Womanto writeDireito das mulheres e injustiça dos homens(1832), a book that went through three editions in its first decade. More directly though, Floresta had connected to the so-called “Tom mania” while living in Paris in 1852. The following year, back in Rio, she wrote a pamphlet on women's education—Opúsculo humanitário(1853)—that parsed key aspects ofUncle Tom's Cabin, among a larger discussion of women's achievements internationally. Two Rio newspapers excerpted the pamphlet, and, boldly, published the chapters focused on Uncle Tom. This attention in the press raised the profile of a book the public already knew to be controversial, as newspapers had earlier carried reports of port authorities seizing shipments ofUncle Tom's Cabinin Rio, Salvador, and Fortaleza. In writing “Páginas,” then, two years after theOpúsculo, Floresta not only carried forward her literary dialogue with Stowe, but also posed the work as a challenge to the status quo. “Páginas” was necessary, she explained, because “slavery is not an issue of concern in the press.” If overstated, given that the topic of slavery was quite prevalent in public discourse, Floresta's assertion nonetheless signals an opportunity for scholars to probe further into the relationship between slavery and the public sphere in the mid nineteenth century. More specifically, it suggests connections to be explored between the press and the early reception ofUncle Tom's Cabinin Brazil, and, more broadly, connections between the representations of slavery in the press, and the institution's enduring legitimacy.
Voltado às amplas repercussões da mobilização abolicionista dos anos 1880, este artigo ressalta os fundos de emancipação locais no Rio de Janeiro (Corte) e no Recife como espaços importantes para a articulação da política popular. Examinamos dois tipos de fundos locais, o primeiro criado por iniciativas populares no Recife, e o segundo produto da câmara municipal da Corte. Salientamos, na primeira parte, que os significados políticos dos fundos de emancipação mudaram ao longo da década de 1880, sendo esta trajetória um exemplo do percurso aturdido da política da abolição. Os fundos de emancipação locais também alteraram as dinâmicas tradicionais da política, modificando as interações entre as esferas locais e nacionais, entre grupos populares e a elite. Na segunda parte, analisamos as operações cotidianas dos fundos. O uso de rituais públicos e a procura de donativos locais estenderam o alcance dos fundos a setores sociais previamente afastados do processo político. Os próprios escravos, particularmente as escravas, utilizaram seu pecúlio, informações colhidas nas ruas e o patrocínio de maneiras inovadoras para ganhar sua liberdade, ao invés de recebê-la passivamente por meio dos fundos. Enfim, os fundos de emancipação merecem a atenção dos historiadores porque se intercalaram de maneira importante com outros fenômenos de pressão política e social, como fugas de escravos e lutas jurídicas, que transtornaram a política brasileira na década de 1880 e aceleraram o decreto da Abolição da escravatura.
Há tempo de calar e há tempo de falar. O tempo de calar passou, começou o tempo de falar.
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