I would hereby like to reply to the review made by Marina Tzakosta in the Journal of Greek Linguistics 7 (Tzakosta 2007, hereafter also referred to as T07). 1 I will discuss the most important points, leaving aside formal issues, such as transcription problems, etc.In Charitonidis (2005, hereafter also referred to as C05), the term 'multi-mapping' (19f.) is introduced. By this, I mainly mean cases of voice switch such as skórpisan (active) and skorpístikan (non-active/passive) in ( 1), where both verb forms denote the same auto event, 2 as occurs in (1).(1) Ta skupídhia skórpisan/skorpístikan. the.pl rubbish.pl they.scattered/they.were.scattered 'The rubbish was scattered. '

This paper deals with the semantic structures of the Event -ízo derivatives in Modern Greek, appearing in the syntactic frames NPi __ NP and NP __ . The present analysis incorporates a version of Ray Jackendoff's conceptual semantics (1983, 1990, 1992). Special attention is paid to the semantic under-determination of word-formation rules. Semantic fields, conceptual functions, formation rules, and mechanisms/rules involved in -ízo derivation are presented. A principled account of various ambiguous structures is also provided. In the last part, the conceptual structures in -ízo derivation are finally laid down and the question of keeping these structures minimal while extending the semantic fields is once more addressed.

This paper deals with a group of five alternations for the Modern Greek verb in the syntactic frame NPi__NP for the active form and NP__ for the corresponding active or passive form. The alternations causative/auto, causative/reflexive, causative/reciprocal, causative/control, and passive participle are presented. It is shown how the interpretation of some of these alternations is influenced by the context. The second part deals with the splitting of the verbs kapnízo and potízo into homophonous lexical units and explains why the alternations component must be favoured in comparison to the conceptual structures and semantic fields component. The proposed model incorporates a version of Ray Jackendoff's conceptual structures.

In recent years, there has been a considerable focus regarding the interface of lexical meaning and emotion (for a review of relevant studies, see Citron et al. 2016 and Yao et al. 2016). By means of online interviews with native speakers of English, Warriner et al. (2013) and Brysbaert et al. (2014) compiled datasets with representation norms for English words. These norms referred to the semantic variables ‘valence’ (positivity), ‘arousal’ (excitement, mood-enhancement), and ‘concreteness’. In Snefjella and Kuperman (2016) the application of representation norms to the 7 billion token USENET corpus (Shaoul & Westbury 2013) resulted in context norms for English words. Each context referred to an array of five content words before to five content words after a target word. The present paper describes the effects of the above mentioned norms on the comprehension (lexical-decision) and production (naming) of compound words. The objects of study were over 2000 concatenated compounds of English taken from the LADEC database (Gagné et al. 2019).In the analysis, the forced-entry method of regression was used. The reaction times for the compounds from the English Lexicon Project (Balota et al. 2007) and the British Lexicon Project (Keuleers et al. 2012) were used as dependent variables. Compound frequency and compound length (in characters) were used as controls.The results showed that, in lexical decision alone, latency-reducing representation valence for the compound co-occurred with latency-increasing context concreteness for the second constituent. Rerunning the analysis using the hyponymy norms from Gagné et al. (2020) showed that, in both lexical decision and naming, context concreteness for the second constituent and hyponymy were equally relevant.The effects detected are regarded as evidence for dual- and multiple-route models of morphological processing.

This paper gives an outlook on how the coordination between phonology and semantics in verb derivation may look, and which constraints the distinction between possible/established, possible/novel, and not possible/forced verbs can be mapped onto. The object of investigation are the colour -ízo verbs in Modern Greek. The analysis is mainly based on the studies by Berlin & Kay (1969) , Kay & McDaniel (1978) , and Kay & Maffi (1999) on basic colour terms. The colour verbs in Modern Greek are compared with the English colour verbs. It is shown that systematic gaps linked to the causative/inchoative paradigm of -ízo verbs are due to the semantics of the base rather than deficiencies in the base's morphophonological character. The lower the evolutional stage that a base can be fitted to, the more likely an -ízo derivative will be produced.