The suggestion that students at present day universities participate in magic at exam time may seem unusual. This study views “magic” as behavior directed toward achieving an outcome, involving many everyday and commonplace acts, but seeming to rely for success on some mystical element. Hundreds of personal accounts from students describing their exam‐related behaviors provide the basis for a classification system of their “magical practices.” The classification yields findings regarding the use of magic for luck and the avoidance of bad luck. Student magic is found to be idiosyncratic, inconsistent, and never malevolent as it often is in preliterate societies. Such differences between preliterate magic, other modern forms, and student magic are related to the complexity and heterogeneity of the larger society, the cultural norms, and the degree of collective action involved.

Le fondement théorique de notre étude sur l'expérience vécue par les étudiants d'une grève du corps professoral d'une université s'appuie principalement sur la formulation théorique de Blumer selon laquelle l'interaction entre des acteurs, dans un cadre industriel, peut être divisée en trois étapes: 1) interprétation de l'expérience; 2) établissement de nouvelles relations; et 3) direction du mouvement ou ajustement. Chaque étape entraîne un changement de situation ainsi que des modifications correspondantes de la perception de soi et des autres. Dans cette étude, nous intégrons également le travail de Stebbins sur les situations difficiles. Nous appliquons ces concepts fondamentaux à l'étude d'une grève où un élément puissant ‐ la main‐d'ceuvre ‐, représentée ici par le corps professoral, se mesure à un autre élément ‐ la direction ‐, représentée ici par l'administration. Par ailleurs, nous privilégions un point que les autres études perdent souvent de vue: l'effet de cette lutte sur un élément tiers moins puissant, à savoir la population étudiante. The theoretical basis for this study of the student experience of a university faculty strike is provided primarily by Blumer's theoretical formulation that interaction between actors in an industrial setting can be studied in three principal phases: (1) interpretation of the experience; (2) the forging of new and emergent relationships; and (3) lines of movement or adjustment. Each phase involves a change in situation along with corresponding changes in the perception of self and other. We also integrate Stebbins' work on predicaments. These major concepts are employed as we follow a strike in which one powerful sector, labour (represented here as Faculty), is pitted against another, management (represented here as Administration), and focus on what other studies often lose sight of—namely, the effect of the battle on a less powerful third sector, the students.

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In this study we attempted to develop a classification of the strategies students employ to manage self‐impressions after grades have been awarded and examination papers returned. These encounters between students are of three types: first, when students who have scored a top grade in this exam (Aces) encounter other students who received a low or even failing grade (Bombers); second, when Aces encounter other Aces; and, third, when Bombers encounter other Bombers. The impression management strategies employed in these encounters are constrained by well‐known rules of modesty in regard to one's own achievements and considerateness for lesser achieving peers, dictated by the particular encounter type described above. These rules are spelled out and an attempt made to generalize the findings to a wider universe of interactions.

Là où l'on trouve une règle, on trouve aussi des gens qui seront tentés de l'enfreindre. Or, on court toujours le risque de se faire qualifier de «déviant,» qu'on enfreint les règles ou non. Les examens d'université sont des événements hyper-réglementés où règne une atmosphère chargée de soupçons dans laquelle des moniteurs sont à l'affût du moindre geste, tels des sentinelles prêtes à surprendre le tricheur à l'oeuvre. Conscients des enjeux, les étudiants doivent éviter tout signe suspect et se protéger contre les conséquences extrêmement graves d'une accusation de tricherie. Les stratégies d'évitement consistent à «gérer» les impressions en opposant des dénégations aux regards soupçonneux. Les auteurs décrivent les comportements bizarres et apparemment paranoïaques adoptés par les étudiants lorsqu'ils passent leurs examens pour qu'on ne les prennent pas pour des tricheurs: le détournement du regard, le déploiement des livres et des notes, le choix de l'emplacement dans la salle ... Tout en s'intéressant plus particulièrement aux non-tricheurs innocents, la communication commente brièvement le cas des personnes effectivement coupables.Wherever there are rules there will be temptations for people to break them. Consequently, there is always the possibility of people being labelled deviant whether or not they do break the rules. University examinations are rule-riddled events shrouded in a 'suspicion awareness context' where suspecting invigilators are on guard against possible cheaters. Students, aware of this, must avoid all taint of suspicion and the dire consequences of being labelled a cheater. These avoidance strategies consist of impression management in the form of disclaimers. It is the purpose of this article to describe the bizarre and seemingly paranoid length students writing exams go to in: the control of their eyes, deployment of books and notes, and choice of space to avoid the stigma of being labelled a cheater. The emphasis is primarily on the innocent noncheaters but there is brief treatment also of the guilty.We thank D. Rennie, the editor and anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions. This manuscript was