Child food insecurity is measured using parental reports of children's experiences based on an adult-generated conceptualization. Research on other child experiences (e.g. pain, exposure to domestic violence) cautions that children generally best report their own experiences, and parents' reports of children's experiences may lack adequate validity and impede effective intervention. Because this may be true of child food insecurity, we conducted semistructured interviews with mothers, children (age 9-16 y), and other household adults in 26 South Carolina families at risk for food insecurity. Interview transcripts were analyzed using a constant comparative process combining a priori with inductive coding. Child interviews revealed experiences of food insecurity distinct from parent experiences and from parent reports of children's experiences. Children experienced cognitive, emotional, and physical awareness of food insecurity. Children took responsibility for managing food resources through participation in parental strategies, initiation of their own strategies, and generation of resources to provide food for the family. Adults were not always aware of children's experiences. Where adult experiences of food insecurity are conditioned on inadequate money for food, child experiences were grounded in the immediate household social and food environment: quality of child/parent interactions, parent affect and behavior, and types and quantities of foods made available for children to eat. The new, child-derived understanding of what children experience that results from this study provides a critical basis from which to build effective approaches to identify, assess, and respond to children suffering from food insecurity.

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Objective-How work conditions relate to parents' food choice coping strategies Design-Pilot telephone surveySetting-Northeastern U.S. city Participants-Black, white, Hispanic employed mothers (25) and fathers (25) randomly recruited from low/moderate income zip codes; 78% of reached and eligible Variables Measure(s)-Socio-demographic characteristics; work conditions (hours, shift, schedule, job security, satisfaction, food access); food choice coping strategies (22 behavioral items for managing food in response to work and family demands (i.e.: food prepared at/away from home, missing meals, individualizing meals, speeding up, planning)) Analysis-Two-tailed chi-square and Fisher's exact tests (p=<.05, unless noted)Results-Half or more of respondents often/sometimes used 12 of 22 food choice coping strategies. Long hours and non-standard hours and schedules were positively associated among fathers with take-out meals, missed family meals, prepared entrees, and eating while working; and among mothers with restaurant meals, missed breakfast, and prepared entrees. Job security, satisfaction and food access were also associated with gender-specific strategies.Conclusions and Implications-Structural work conditions among parents such as job hours, schedule, satisfaction, and food access are associated with food choice coping strategies with importance for dietary quality. Findings have implications for worksite interventions but need examination in a larger sample.

Eating routines are a compelling issue because recurring eating behaviors influence nutrition and health. As non-traditional and individualized eating patterns have become more common, new ways of thinking about routine eating practices are needed. This study sought to gain conceptual understanding of working adults' eating routines. Forty-two purposively sampled US adults reported food intake and contextual details about eating episodes in qualitative 24-hour dietary recalls conducted over 7 consecutive days. Using the constant comparative method, researchers analyzed interview transcripts for recurrent ways of eating that were either explicitly reported by study participants as "routines" or emergent in the data. Participants' eating routines included repetition in food consumption as well as eating context, and also involved sequences of eating episodes. Eating routines were embedded in daily schedules for work, family, and recreation. Participants maintained purposeful routines that helped balance tension between demands and values, but they modified routines as circumstances changed. Participants monitored and reflected upon their eating practices and tended to assess their practices in light of their personal identities. These findings provide conceptual insights for food choice researchers and present a perspective from which practitioners who work with individuals seeking to adopt healthful eating practices might usefully approach their tasks.

This study aimed to understand parents' evaluations of the way they integrated work-family demands to manage food and eating. Employed, low/moderate-income, urban, U.S., Black, White, and Latino mothers (35) and fathers (34) participated in qualitative interviews exploring work and family conditions and spillover, food roles, and food-choice coping and family-adaptive strategies. Parents expressed a range of evaluations from overall satisfaction to overall dissatisfaction as well as dissatisfaction limited to work, family life, or daily schedule. Evaluation criteria differed by gender. Mothers evaluated satisfaction on their ability to balance work and family demands through flexible home and work conditions, while striving to provide healthy meals for their families. Fathers evaluated satisfaction on their ability to achieve schedule stability and participate in family meals, while meeting expectations to contribute to food preparation. Household, and especially work structural conditions, often served as sizeable barriers to parents fulfilling valued family food roles. These relationships highlight the critical need to consider the intersecting influences of gender and social structure as influences on adults' food choices and dietary intake and to address the challenges of work and family integration among low income employed parents as a way to promote family nutrition in a vulnerable population.