A 11 ecosystems and human societies depend on a healthy and tlroductive natural environment that contains diverse plant and animal species. The earth's biota is comtlosed of an estimated 1 0 million species of plants, animals, and microbes (Pimm et al. 1995). In the United States, there are an estimated 750.000 stlecies. of which small organisms, such as arthropods and microbes, make up 95%.' Although approximately 60% of the world's food supply comes from rice, wheat, and corn (Wilson 1988), as many as 20,000 other plant species have been used by humans as food. Some vlants and akimals provide human; with essential medicines and other diverse, useful ~r o d u c t s. For instance. some plants i n d microbes help to d&rade chemical pollutants and organic wastes and recycle nutrients throughout the ecosystem. The rapidiy growing world population and increased human activity threaten many of these species. The current extinction rate of species ranges from approximately 1000 to 10,000 times higher than natural extinction rates (Kellert and Wilson

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A community food security movement has begun to address problems of hunger and food insecurity by utilizing a community-based approach. Although various models have been implemented, little empirical research has assessed how power operates within community-based food security initiatives. The purpose of this research was to determine how power influenced participation in decision-making, agenda setting, and the shaping of perceived needs within a community-based food security planning process, with particular reference to disenfranchised stakeholders. Power influenced participation in decision-making, agenda setting, and the shaping of perceived needs through managing 1) problem framing, 2) trust, 3) knowledge, and 4) consent. To overcome these mechanisms of power, practitioners need to address individual-, community-, and institutional-level barriers to participation in community-based food security planning processes. Practitioners and researchers can work with disenfranchised groups to determine which agents have the power to create desired changes by utilizing theory-based methods and strategies that focus on changing external determinants at multiple levels.

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Community participation is believed to hold a number of benefits, including the incorporation of local knowledge in planning, generation of greater support for and sustainability of local actions and being consistent with democratic values. These claimed benefits were examined in upstate New York, where 3-d participatory planning events were convened in each of six communities, focusing on desired changes in the local food system. A variety of qualitative and quantitative methods were used to assess the following: 1) local values, interests and beliefs (viewpoints) related to food and the food system before and after the planning events; 2) fairness and effectiveness in agenda setting; and 3) implementation of actions during the 2 y following the events. Despite marked variation in viewpoints, participants readily agreed on desired changes in the local food system during the events and they considered the process to be a fair and positive experience. However, the action agendas, follow-up actions and changes in viewpoints after the events displayed systematic tendencies to deviate from revealed common interests or interests of disenfranchised participants. This reflected differences in the fairness and effectiveness of participation during and after the events, established agendas and preferences of local institutions and a variety of market and regulatory barriers.