The inventory of elite manufactured objects and the large quantity of metal recovered from the Late Bronze Age Uluburun shipwreck mirror in many respects palatial gift exchange deliveries as they are recorded in the contemporary Amarna Letters. The excavator of the shipwreck proposes that two men of Aegean origin were on board and that the ship was sailing to the Aegean. By combining data generated from the Uluburun shipwreck with textual and archaeological evidence from the contemporary Near East and Aegean, this paper evaluates the plausibility of a diplomatic voyage en route to the Aegean tied to Mycenaean palatial enterprise.* introduction Evidence for a singular diplomatic voyage to the Late Bronze Age Aegean was first advanced by Hankey over two decades ago. In this scenario, an Egyptian delegation representing Amenhotep III visited numerous polities in the Aegean. She begins with observations on a statue base of Amenhotep III in his mortuary temple at Kom el-Hetan. 1 The statue base is inscribed with 14 place-names, listing important centers in the LH/LM III Aegean (i.e., Knossos, Boetian Thebes, Mycenae, Troy). 2 Hankey cautiously proposes that the inscribed statue base records an Egyptian voyage to the Aegean. 3 Her proposal has been taken up by Cline, 4 who suggests that the "Aegean List" is an itinerary, as the place-names follow a roughly circular pattern around the Aegean, beginning and ending with Crete. 5

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AbstractThe Türkmen-Karahöyük Intensive Survey Project (TISP) has identified the archaeological site of Türkmen-Karahöyük on the Konya plain as a previously unknown Iron Age capital city in the western region of Tabal. Surface collections and newly discovered inscriptional evidence indicate that this city is the early first-millennium royal seat of ‘Great King Hartapu’, long known from the enigmatic monuments of nearby Kizildağ and Karadağ. In addition to demonstrating this Iron Age city's existence, supported principally by (1) the site's size at the time and (2) the discovery of a royal inscription authored by Hartapu himself, TISP has documented the site's existence from the Late Chalcolithic period until the late first millennium BCE, with a maximum size reached between the Late Bronze and Iron Age periods, suggesting that the city was at its greatest extent and the regional political centre from at least the late second to the mid-first millennium BCE.

The treasure deposits of Troy have been largely studied in isolation from both architectural developments and other depositional contexts in Troia II-III. The corpus has been perceived as little more than a catalogue of information that can be assessed to outline various trends related to metallurgical production, expanding networks of exchange and fluctuations in economic wealth. Considerations of agency have been few and limited. This study relates the content and context of the treasures to depositional and architectural patterns that begin in Troia II. Meaningful continuities and transformations between Troia II-III ultimately challenge the widely held reconstruction that the treasures were a concealment of wealth in anticipation of an attack. The study arrives at an alternative explanation with a consideration of the relationship between the destruction and abandonment of the Troia II central megaron complex and the deposition of treasure. The central megaron complex and the treasure deposits represent two distinct and divergent strategies of elite initiative on the citadel. The study concludes with a consideration of the inherently destabilising practices of treasures deposition, the final destruction of Troia III and the end of the Early Bronze Age in Anatolia. OzetTroya'daki hazine gomuleri biiyiik cogunlukla hem mimari geligmelerden hem de Troya II-III evreleri diger gomiilerinden bagimsiz olarak incelenmi §tir. Bu nedenle bu cah §malar sonucu olu §turulmu § yazih aciklamalar metalurjik uretim, ileti §im aglarmdaki geni §leme, ekonomik refahtaki dalgalanmalar gibi farkli cizgiler izlenerek olu §turulabilecek taslak niteligindeki kataloklardan daha fazla bilgi vermemektedir. Donemsel faaliyetleri goz oniine alan cah §ma cok az sayida ve kisithdir. Bu cah §ma Troya II ile ba §lamak tizere gomuleri ve mimari modelled ili §kilendirerek gomiiniin hem igerigini, hem de ortaya cikanldigi ortami incelemektedir. Troya II ve III arasinda gozlenen anlamli siireklilik ve degi §meler, geni § bir kesim tarafindan kabul goren -hazine gomiilerinin tahmin edilen bir saldin icin refahin gizlenmesi-oldugu goriisjine kar §i fikirler ortaya cikarmisUr. Bu cah §ma, Troya II merkezi megaron kompleksinde meydana gelen yikim ve terk edilmis, olma ile hazine gomuleri arasindaki iligkiyi degerlendirerek alternatif bir aciklamaya ula §mistir. Merkezi megaron kompleksi ile hazine gomuleri kale durumundaki bu kentte elit inisiatifinin birbirinden farkli ve zit iki stratejisini temsil eder. Cahsma yore halkina miras kalmis, olan diizensiz gomti uygulamasi, Troya III deki nihai yikim ve Anadolu'da Erken Bronz Cag'in bitimini dikkate alarak bir sonuca ulagmaktadir.

AbstractThis paper synthesises the data and results of the Konya Regional Archaeological Survey Project (2016–2020) in order to address the earliest evidence for cities and states on the Konya and Karaman plains, central Turkey. A nested and integrative approach is developed that draws on a wide range of spatially extensive datasets to outline meaningful trends in settlement, water management and regional defensive systems during the Bronze and Iron Ages. The significance of the regional centre of Türkmen-Karahöyük for a reconstruction of early state polities between the 13th and eighth centuries BCE is addressed. In light of this regional analysis, it is tentatively suggested that, during the Late Bronze Age, Türkmen-Karahöyük was the location of the city of Tarḫuntašša, briefly the Hittite capital during the reign of Muwatalli II. More assuredly, based on the analysis of the newly discovered Middle Iron Age TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK 1 inscription, it is proposed that Türkmen-Karahöyük was the seat of a kingdom during the eighth century BCE that likely encompassed the Konya and Karaman plains.