A rare find was made in 2012 when a metal-detectorist on land near Bridge, a few miles south of Canterbury, Kent, recovered a copper alloy brooch, other metal items, and a quantity of burnt bone contained in a near complete, probably imported Gallic, helmet of Iron Age type. Excavation was undertaken to ascertain the immediate context of the helmet, confirm that it represented a cremation burial, and determine if it formed part of a larger funerary deposit. The helmet and brooch suggest a burial date in the mid-1st century BC and the apparently isolated cremation burial, of a possibly female adult, can be broadly placed within the Aylesford-Swarling tradition; the helmet taking the place of a more usual pottery cinerary urn. Cropmark evidence suggests that the burial was made within a wider landscape of Iron Age occupation.

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The hoard presents us with a startling number of unfamiliar images from the Anglo-Saxon past, not least in the new icon of treasure that it presents. As the descriptions of treasure and gift-giving in Beowulf so vividly remind us, the gaining of treasure, and its corollary, gift-giving, were major preoccupations for Anglo-Saxons and their northern European contemporaries, whether Clovis, showering the crowds in Tours with gold solidi when he was created consul in 508, Oswiu attempting to buy off Penda before the Battle of Winwæd with what Bede (HE III.24; Colgrave & Mynors 1969: 288–91) described as an incalculable and incredible store of royal treasures or the huge Danegelds extorted by Vikings in the tenth and early eleventh century. But until July 2009, the picture presented by the archaeological evidence for Anglo-Saxon treasure could hardly have been more different: the material remains of treasure with which we are familiar come overwhelmingly from high-status burials, or as individual gold finds without context, most of them the result of relatively recent metal-detecting activity. Only one seventh-century Anglo-Saxon gold hoard exists, from Crondall in Hampshire, dated to c. 640; but that is essentially a coin hoard, the only non-numismatic items two small clasps which must have fastened the purse or satchel containing the coins.

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lacking from hoards and 'ritual' sites of this period. This volume signals the collaborative nature of that project, combining the work of local society fieldwalkers, Leicester University field archaeologists, and specialists from the British Museum. The project also reflects the success of the Portable Antiquities Scheme, demonstrating the value of responsible metal-detectorists in bringing to light crucial material for understanding the Late Iron Age-Roman transition. Hallaton is famed for its wealth of material and it is the specialist reports on this that provide the volume's most compelling discussions. In particular, the size of the coin assemblage (increasing the corpus of Corieltavi coinage by 150 per cent) enables Ian Leins to use Hallaton as the basis for a reassessment of the regional coinage. Providing a new interpretation of social organisation in the area, Leins' study has broader implications than the immediate region. His vision is of a set of contemporary coin-issuing authorities whose leaders were manipulating social assembly and rituals, as at Hallaton, to exert influence over other individuals and groups in a fragmented political arena. The other exceptional element to the site was the discovery of a Roman cavalry helmet. Sadly, this volume was published too early to show the helmet in its reconstructed glory (now visible on the British Museum's website). The initial assessment here does, however, enable an appreciation of the significance of these finds and the complex deposition process they constituted, combining coin and animal bones alongside the helmet. The helmet certainly reinforces the impression that, as discussed in Colin Haselgrove's overview, indigenous élites used and manipulated Roman imagery and dress as symbols of power and links to the Empire. Beyond the spectacular remains, the context of these finds is revealing. One notable element is the presence of three dog burials in the boundary of the suggested sacred area. Regarded by the authors as 'guardians', these appear to have been older animals, perhaps indicating that the biographies of animals in such deposits may have been significant, rather than acting merely as the 'right sort' of deposit. The predominance of pig remains is also convincingly argued as feasting activity, signalling the association between votive deposition and commensality noted elsewhere in the Late Iron Age, for example in Matthieu Poux's work on Gaul. With external influences on Late Iron Age identities coming not just from Rome but also the near Continent, it is perhaps unsurprising that the practices at Hallaton have some of their best parallels in the sanctuary sites of northern France. Yet one of the most tantalising aspects of the site is that, despite the remarkable nature of the finds, the structural evidence appears relatively unspectacular. Like some other finds of recent years, this may suggest that such deposits did not require elaborate architecture and, as was common elsewhere in the British Iron Age, need not have been divorced from more...