Visual information can alter auditory perception. This is clearly illustrated by the well-known McGurk illusion, where an auditory/aba/ and a visual /aga/ are merged to the percept of ‘ada’. It is less clear however whether such a change in perception may recalibrate subsequent perception. Here we asked whether the altered auditory perception due to the McGurk illusion affects subsequent auditory perception, i.e. whether this process of fusion may cause a recalibration of the auditory boundaries between phonemes. Participants categorized auditory and audiovisual speech stimuli as /aba/, /ada/ or /aga/ while activity patterns in their auditory cortices were recorded using fMRI. Interestingly, following a McGurk illusion, an auditory /aba/ was more often misperceived as ‘ada’. Furthermore, we observed a neural counterpart of this recalibration in the early auditory cortex. When the auditory input /aba/ was perceived as ‘ada’, activity patterns bore stronger resemblance to activity patterns elicited by /ada/ sounds than when they were correctly perceived as /aba/. Our results suggest that upon experiencing the McGurk illusion, the brain shifts the neural representation of an /aba/ sound towards /ada/, culminating in a recalibration in perception of subsequent auditory input.

Abstract■ Auditory speech perception can be altered by concurrent visual information. The superior temporal cortex is an important combining site for this integration process. This area was previously found to be sensitive to audiovisual congruency. However, the direction of this congruency effect (i.e., stronger or weaker activity for congruent compared to incongruent stimulation) has been more equivocal. Here, we used fMRI to look at the neural responses of human participants during the McGurk illusion-in which auditory /aba/ and visual /aga/ inputs are fused to perceived /ada/-in a large homogenous sample of participants who consistently experienced this illusion. This enabled us to compare the neuronal responses during congruent audiovisual stimulation with incongruent audiovisual stimulation leading to the McGurk illusion while avoiding the possible confounding factor of sensory surprise that can occur when McGurk stimuli are only occasionally perceived. We found larger activity for congruent audiovisual stimuli than for incongruent (McGurk) stimuli in bilateral superior temporal cortex, extending into the primary auditory cortex. This finding suggests that superior temporal cortex prefers when auditory and visual input support the same representation. ■

The human brain can quickly adapt to changes in the environment. One example is phonetic recalibration: a speech sound is interpreted differently depending on the visual speech and this interpretation persists in the absence of visual information. Here, we examined the mechanisms of phonetic recalibration. Participants categorized the auditory syllables /aba/ and /ada/, which were sometimes preceded by the so-called McGurk stimuli (in which an /aba/ sound, due to visual /aga/ input, is often perceived as ‘ada’). We found that only one trial of exposure to the McGurk illusion was sufficient to induce a recalibration effect, i.e. an auditory /aba/ stimulus was subsequently more often perceived as ‘ada’. Furthermore, phonetic recalibration took place only when auditory and visual inputs were integrated to ‘ada’ (McGurk illusion). Moreover, this recalibration depended on the sensory similarity between the preceding and current auditory stimulus. Finally, signal detection theoretical analysis showed that McGurk-induced phonetic recalibration resulted in both a criterion shift towards /ada/ and a reduced sensitivity to distinguish between /aba/ and /ada/ sounds. The current study shows that phonetic recalibration is dependent on the perceptual integration of audiovisual information and leads to a perceptual shift in phoneme categorization.

In language comprehension, a variety of contextual cues act in unison to render upcoming words more or less predictable. As a sentence unfolds, we use prior context ( sentential constraints ) to predict what the next words might be. Additionally, in a conversation, we can predict upcoming sounds through observing the mouth movements of a speaker ( visual constraints ). In electrophysiological studies, effects of visual constraints have typically been observed early in language processing, while effects of sentential constraints have typically been observed later. We hypothesized that the visual and the sentential constraints might feed into the same predictive process such that effects of sentential constraints might also be detectable early in language processing through modulations of the early effects of visual salience. We presented participants with audiovisual speech while recording their brain activity with magnetoencephalography. Participants saw videos of a person saying sentences where the last word was either sententially constrained or not, and began with a salient or non-salient mouth movement. We found that sentential constraints indeed exerted an early (N1) influence on language processing. Sentential modulations of the N1 visual predictability effect were visible in brain areas associated with semantic processing, and were differently expressed in the two hemispheres. In the left hemisphere, visual and sentential constraints jointly suppressed the auditory evoked field, while the right hemisphere was sensitive to visual constraints only in the absence of strong sentential constraints. These results suggest that sentential and visual constraints can jointly influence even very early stages of audiovisual speech comprehension.

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