We systematically investigated perfect state transfer between antipodal nodes of discrete time quantum walks on variants of the cycles $C_4$, $C_6$ and $C_8$ for three choices of coin operator. Perfect state transfer was found, in general, to be very rare, only being preserved for a very small number of ways of modifying the cycles. We observed that some of our useful modifications of $C_4$ could be generalised to an arbitrary number of nodes, and present three families of graphs which admit quantum walks with interesting dynamics either in the continuous time walk, or in the discrete time walk for appropriate selections of coin and initial conditions. These dynamics are either periodicity, perfect state transfer, or very high fidelity state transfer. These families are modifications of families known not to exhibit periodicity or perfect state transfer in general. The robustness of the dynamics is tested by varying the initial state, interpolating between structures and by adding decoherence.

Wildlife trade—both legal and illegal—is an activity that is currently the focus of global attention. Concerns over the loss of biodiversity, partly stemming from overexploitation, and the corona virus pandemic, likely originating from wildlife trade, are urgent matters. These concerns though centre on people. Only sometimes does the discussion focus on the wildlife traded and their welfare. In this article, we make the case as to why welfare is an important component of any discussion or policy about wildlife trade, not only for the interests of the wildlife, but also for the sake of humans. We detail the harm in the trade as well as the current welfare provisions, particularly in relation to the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), which guide global transport and trade. There are a number of ways that the current approach to wildlife welfare could be improved, and we propose ways forward in this regard.

Dogs are considered property under U.K. law, while current discourses of pet ownership place canine companions as part of an extended family. This means sentences for those who steal dogs are not reflective of a dogs’ sentience and agency, rather in line with charges for those who steal a laptop or wallet. This is particularly problematic as dog theft is currently on the rise in England and Wales, leading to public calls to change the law. Recognising that a more robust analysis of dog theft crime statistics is required, we gathered dog theft data for 2015, 2016, and 2017 from 41 of 44 police forces through Freedom of Information (FOI) requests. This paper uses these data to examine how dog theft crime statistics are constructed, assesses the strengths and weaknesses of these data, and categorises, maps, and measures dog theft changes temporally per police force in England and Wales. Our findings reveal there has been an increase in dog theft crimes, with 1559 in 2015, 1653 in 2016 (+6.03%), and 1842 in 2017 (+11.43%), and a decrease in court charges related to dog theft crimes, with 64 (3.97%) in 2015, 51 (3.08%) in 2016, and 39 (2.11%) in 2017. There were police force inconsistencies in recording dog theft crime, which meant some data were unusable or could not be accessed or analysed. We recommend a qualitative study to understand stakeholder perspectives of dog theft crime in different areas, and a standardised and transparent approach to recording the theft of a dog by all forces across England and Wales. This could be achieved by classifying dog theft (or pet theft more generally) as a crime in itself under the Sentencing Guidelines associated with the Theft Act 1968.

Dogs are considered property under UK law, while current discourses of pet ownership place canine companions as part of an extended family. This means sentences for those who steal dogs are not reflective of a dogs’ sentience and agency, rather reflecting the same charges for those who steal a laptop or wallet. This is particularly problematic as dog theft is currently on the rise in England and Wales and led to public calls to change the law. Recognizing that a more robust analysis of dog theft crime statistics is required, we gathered dog theft data for 2015, 2016 and 2017 from 37 of 44 police forces through FOI requests. This paper uses this data to examine how dog theft crime statistics are constructed; assesses the strengths and weaknesses of this data; and categorizes, maps and measures dog theft changes temporally per police force in England and Wales. Our findings reveal there has been an increase in dog theft crimes, 1,294 in 2015, 1,525 in 2016 (+17.85%), and 1,678 in 2017 (+10.03%); and a decrease in court charges related to dog theft crimes, 62 (4.7%) in 2015, 48 (3.14%) in 2016, 37 (2.2%) in 2017. There were police force inconsistencies in recording dog theft crime which meant some data was unusable or could not be accessed or analysed. There is a need for a qualitative study to understand dog theft crime in different areas, and standardised approach to recording the theft of a dog by all forces across England and Wales.