Many acquisition studies indicate that across languages, children overgenerate definite articles in indefinite contexts. However, proportions and ages at which children make this error vary, and so do theoretical accounts. Attempting to resolve some of the mixed results, we combined the methods of two different studies (Schaeffer & Matthewson 2005 (SM) and van Hout, Harrigan & de Villiers 2010 (HHV)) and administered them to one group of 82 Dutch-acquiring children aged 2–9 and adult controls (N = 23).1 The results show that definite article overuse takes place in (a) only the youngest age group (2;1–3;7) in the relevant SM indefinite condition, (b) only the two oldest child groups (6;0–9;4) in the HHV indefinite condition, and (c) adults score at ceiling in the SM conditions, while only around 70% correct in the HHV conditions. We argue that (a) the indefinite conditions of the two article choice experiments test different types of knowledge, and therefore their results cannot be compared, (b) the HHV task has more methodological drawbacks than the SM task, rendering its results difficult to interpret, and (c) the results provide less evidence for HHV’s unranked-constraint hypothesis than for SM’s lack-of-Concept-of-Non-Shared-Assumptions hypothesis.

This paper analyses the motivations behind the implementation of bilingual education in the Dutch preschool system and relates this to the status of Dutch in the Dutch educational system. Based on the analysis of policy documents and questionnaires filled in by parents and teachers, this study reveals two different underlying ideologies that the government, daycares and parents have adopted. The ideology of the Dutch government and daycare organizations visited by a Dutch-speaking audience is centered around Dutch-speaking children acquiring English as a foreign language. On the other hand, non-Dutch speaking parents and daycare organizations visited by an international audience rather want to expose non-Dutch speaking children to Dutch, to facilitate better integration into the Dutch community. The data thus suggest that not only English but also Dutch is important for many parents. Still, the introduction of bilingual daycares is part of an ongoing 'Englishization' of the Dutch educational system that has been taking place for decades. Future research should determine what a larger scale introduction means for the status of the Dutch language in the Dutch preschool system in the long run.

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In this study, we aimed to deepen the understanding of the circumstances under which crosslinguistic influence occurs, by focusing on the acquisition of the Dutch plural by two- and three-year old children who attend bilingual Dutch-English daycare. In doing so, we explored the roles of variability, overlap and language dominance as these are all factors that have been linked to the occurrence of crosslinguistic influence in studies on bilingual language acquisition and language contact. We investigated the expectation that young children who are exposed to English might show a stronger preference for -s pluralization in Dutch, because of the partial overlap in Dutch and English pluralization. In total, a group of 95 children that grew up with only Dutch and/or English at home and attended bilingual (Dutch-English) daycare (51 females, 44 males, mean age = 3;6 years) participated in an elicited production task. Results showed that no clear-cut evidence for unidirectional crosslinguistic influence from English to Dutch could be found in the form of -s overgeneralizations. However, we did find evidence for the role of variability in this domain of language, since children made more overgeneralizations when rhyme and sonorancy contradicted. Also, English exposure seemed to facilitate correct production of the -s affix, and children who overgeneralized the -s affix were mostly children that were exposed to the English language at home, suggesting that language dominance does play a role in preference for the -s affix.