This paper seeks to unearth and analyse the variables which promote and sustain primordial groups’ identities and their linkages to the emergence and sustenance of terrorist groups in Nigeria. Grounded in the pluralist theory of sovereignty, the study adopts historical research design. It relies solely on data from secondary sources, which are presented qualitatively, and the finding is analysed using content analysis techniques. The study reveals that the promotion of primordial identities above national identity for political advantage by the political elites leads to state bastardisation in Nigeria. Besides, it identifies the apostolical promotion of some neoliberal values without corresponding citizenship education, as responsible for the emergence of Boko Haram and other such groups that challenge the sovereignty and legitimacy of the Nigerian state. It also questions the continuous promotion of religion in the public domain in a secular state and concludes that genuine integration policy is an urgent imperative. The study recommends that ethno-religious politics be buried; religion should be returned to the private lives of the citizenry. Besides, citizenship education and societal development should be prioritised in order to strengthen the state, and weaken the capacity of primordial groups to challenge the Nigerian State with violent outbursts.
Identifying the most influential dimension in the construction of national identity poses a huge challenge. Keillor et al. (1996) identify four key dimensions as being important in shaping national identity. This article examines these dimensions, namely national heritage, cultural homogeneity, ethnocentrism and belief structure within the Nigerian context and attempts to measure which of these is the most influential.In addition to the historical information contained in existing literature, a survey is carried out to provide an empirical basis for this analysis.Keywords: national identity, cultural pluralism, religion and politics in Nigeria, ethnicity IN TRO DUCTIO N National identity involves 'a sense of political community which implies a definite social space, a fairly well demarcated and bounded territory' (Smith 1991: 9). It is 'a set of meanings owned by a given culture that sets it apart from other cultures ' (Keillor et al. 1996: 58). The concept is related to the collection of common identifiable attributes and values in a nation. These attributes and values give the members of a community genuine meaning and a sense of belonging. However, the existence of these common values, meanings and way of life that binds members of a community is easier to identify in a homogenous cultural context. As Dougherty (2003) aptly explains, racial homogeneity and ethnic purity were key characteristics that once upon a time identified nations but today Studies in World Christianity 16.2 (2010): 169-179
Poverty is a complex subject in traditional African cultures. It is the lack of provision to satisfy the basic human needs of the population. The prosperity gospel as part of Pentecostal Christianity, with origins in the United States of America, presents itself as a new model for poverty eradication. Pentecostal Christianity and the proliferation of Pentecostal churches in Africa, many of whom are adherents of prosperity theology over a period of more than three decades, have not translated to a more prosperous continent, and sub-Saharan Africa is still notably one of the poorest regions of the world. Poverty is a concept with many dimensions that attempts to ascertain the varying degrees of deprivation experienced by populations, individually or collectively. However, certain subjective and sometimes arbitrary interpretations of biblical texts on prosperity as the basis for prosperity theology have encouraged capitalist impulses that often supplant the pursuit of spiritual advantages, leading instead to an increase in crimes including robbery, financial fraud, kidnapping, ritual killings and many other social vices. This article examines the different perspectives of the prosperity gospel, the biblical sources and interpretations used as well as its interpretation of poverty. It shows how prosperity theology, with its own interpretation of poverty, erodes the valuable indigenous resources available to fight poverty within African religious communities, which emphasise community, positive family attachments, social support networks, moral values and accountability, and it examines the implications this has for socio-economic development in Africa.Contribution: This article challenges the theology of prosperity that characterises Pentecostal Christianity and is pervasive in Africa. It contributes to the discourse on how the challenges of poverty require the more community-centred approaches that traditional African values offer as against the self-centredness and greed promoted by the prosperity theology.
) rightly points out, our justifications for concepts such as the 'new wars' thesis should be based on their ability to confront and address the very circumstances they seek to improve rather than on claims of alleged coherence and reflections of history. While this article is not directed at refuting criticisms, it is important to note that the term 'new' used in describing these wars that were taking place in the 1990s in the Balkans and Africa did not refer to them as having no historical parallels or antecedents but referred to a different 'logic' from the wars that scholars and policy-makers were concentrating on (Kaldor, 2012). Regardless of its limitations, this article argues that Kaldors 'new war' thesis has significant academic/analytical and policy relevance in the field of security studies and much more in the 21st century.
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