The weights of harp seal pups quadruple during 13 days of suckling while hooded seal pups double in weight in a lactation period of just 4 days. Pups of both species then fast for a month or longer. As a first measure of tissue responses to this ‘feast and famine’ pattern, we weighed the body, sculp (blubber and attached skin), core (carcass including viscera) and major internal organs of seal pups at birth, at the end of suckling, and at the end of the fast. When expressed as a percentage of body weight, the weights of the internal organs of newborn harp and hooded seals were within the range reported for newborn land mammals. During suckling, harp and hooded seals gained 2.3 and 6.5 kg/day body weight, respectively, but a large part (64–73 %) of this gain was blubber and skin rather than core. Even though pups were ingesting great quantities of fat, their digestive organs (stomach, small and large intestines, pancreas) were neither particularly large at birth nor did these organs gain in weight or length unusually rapidly. Most organs increased in weight in proportion to the increase in core weight, but the liver and spleen increased proportionately more than the core, and the stomach, heart and kidneys increased proportionately less. At the end of suckling, sculp accounted for more than half of the body weight in both species. The subsequent 4-week fast resulted in weight loss from both the sculp and core, and the liver and spleen decreased in weight by about 70%. The net effect of sequential suckling and fasting was particularly striking in the hooded seal pup, which had a lighter core, heart, liver and spleen at 1 month postpartum than at birth. These data illustrate a remarkable cycle of nutrient deposition and depletion which is undoubtedly central to the survival of young seals in the harsh pack-ice environment.

AUTHORS' NOTE: The authors wish to express their appreciation to Greater Cleveland Associated Foundation which funded the larger project of which the research reported in this paper is a part. 0 Dissatisfaction breeds unrest. Dissatisfaction among the urban poor in the United States has led to protest, picketing, demonstrating, marching, and rioting. These statements are widely accepted, albeit there is lack of agreement about the sources and nature of the lack of satisfaction which leads to unrest in general, or to the unrest of America's urban poor in particular.Perhaps the simplest hypothesis in this area is that there is a linear relationship between actual economic deprivation and protest. This hypothesis is sometimes, and incorrectly, attributed to Marx, who, in denying the revolutionary potential of the lumpenproletariat, was in effect indicating that severe deprivation did not lead to revolution, but rather to political quiescence. The lumpenproletariat were incapable of action because they could conceive of no alternative to their impoverishment. More recent theorists have emphasized the importance of felt deprivation rather than deprivation which was objectively defined. The common assumption here is that the deprivation which leads to unrest is that which is relative to some other standard. Sometimes dissatisfaction is thought to be the result of deprivation relative to increased aspirations which are part of a &dquo;revolution of rising expectations&dquo; or of a &dquo;demonstration effect.&dquo; For other theorists, dissatisfaction is the result of deprivation relative to an individual's own experience -e.g., downward mobility. In this paper we utilize survey data from a sample of persons living in the poverty areas of a large American city to explore the relationship between felt deprivation, personal mobility, and their evaluations of several kinds of protest activities.In April and May, 1967, an opinion survey was conducted among the residents of Cleveland's nine officially designated poverty areas. Interviews were conducted with 500 persons selected on the basis of a block quota design, who constituted a 1.4% sample of the neighborhoods in which they lived. Of the respondents, 78%, representative of the pattern of race and ethnicity in their neighborhoods, were Negro. Of the remainder, 10% were native white, 9% were whites of identifiable ethnicity, and 2% were Spanish-speaking. The interviews were conducted nine months after the Hough riot of the previous summer. THE PROTEST ORIENTATIONSince we wanted to investigate the degree to which respondents living in conditions of deprivation evaluated protest activities, a series of questions were asked about such activities as picketing, demonstrations, public protests, marching, and the like. Like most segments of the American population, a majority of these respondents disapprove of such behavior. But a rather significant minority not only approve of them but also believe that tactics of this kind are efficacious. Specifically, 30% of the sample belie...

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In the winter of 1861–62 there was a guerrilla uprising in WesternMissouri, directed in main against the Union Army and against localpro-Union sympathizers. The number of active participants was smallby more recent standards. At any given time the guerrillas in questionprobably numbered no more than 200 individuals. They had, however, an impact beyond that suggested by their size. In the ensuing three years the guerrillas managed to tie up more than 40,000 Union troops on stationary occupation duty. As in almost all classic cases of guerrilla warfare, the Union forces were rendered relatively immobile by the necessity to protect fixed points such as urban areas, supply depots, and lines of communication. In addition to their military effect, the guerrillas have become over time a fairly well known part of American folklore. Their leader through most of the period was William Quantrill. From their ranks came at least two of the more famous bandit gangs of frontier history—the James brothers and the Younger brothers. Their most famous exploit, the raid on Lawrence, Kansas, has been the subject of film and other commercial treatment.