The capitalist world-economy takes the form of an iceberg. The most studied part which appears above the surface is supported by a huge underlying structure that is out of sight. Unlike the iceberg, the world-economy is a dynamic system based on flows of value from the underside toward the top. These include drains of surplus (expropriated value) We should think of the modern world-system as an iceberg economy in which uncosted labor and resources comprise the thicker submerged ice layers that are blocked from view beneath a thin top stratum that is counted as the visible official economy (Mies, BennholdtThomsen and Werlhof 1988). From this vantage point, we realize that the total world surplus is far greater than the cumulative GDPs. We also realize that commodity chains are far more than networks in which "value is added" at nodes.2 From a world-system perspective, these networks are exploitative structural relationships in which a vast array of unequal exchanges occurs among nodes of the chain and across zones of the world-economy (Wallerstein 1983). Indeed, 1 I would like to thank Wilma Dunaway and three reviewers for their suggestions about ways in which I could tighten and strengthen this essay. I would also like to thank Jennifer Bair for her encouragement and support. 2 I use the world-system conceptualization of commodity chain, although the careful reader will recognize the influence of later variants. See Bair (2009) for an explanation of differences among these approaches.

No abstract

No abstract

Literature on religious conversion contains turnabout and ritualistic explanations. This paper examines the nature of the contemporary religious revival or crusade and finds evidence that revival conversions are ritualistic, integrative events. Crusaders are overwhelmingly church members and frequent church attenders. The Graham organization carefully structures the conversion process through local community organization, counselors, screening questions, literature, and church referrals. The crusade also emphasizes the integration of dependent‐aged youth.

On the basis of a reanalysis of the empirical evidence. Tittle et al. (1978) concluded that the presumed inverse relationship between class and crime is a myth. We discuss six problems in their evaluation: paucity of evidence; lack of specification of theoretical relationships; faulty specification and measures of class; inadequate operational definitions of “crime”; faulty analysis of evidence; and failure to examine all evidence. We conclude that the empirical evidence supports the hypothesis that low class position is a source of serious crimes against persons and property.