This study examines postwar patterns in macroeconomic policies and outcomes associated with left-and right-wing governments in capitalist democracies. It argues that the objective economic interests as well as the subjective preferences of lower income and occupational status groups are best served by a relatively low unemployment-high inflation macroeconomic configuration, whereas a comparatively high unemployment-low inflation configuration is compatible with the interests and preferences of upper income and occupational status groups. Highly aggregated data on unemployment and inflation outcomes in relation to the political orientation of governments in 12 West European and North American nations are analyzed revealing a low unemployment-high inflation configuration in nations regularly governed by the Left and a high unemployment-low inflation pattern in political systems dominated by center and rightist parties. Finally, time-series analyses of quarterly postwar unemployment data for the United States and Great Britain suggests that the unemployment rate has been driven downward by Democratic and Labour administrations and upward by Republican and Conservative governments. The general conclusion is that governments pursue macroeconomic policies broadly in accordance with the objective economic interests and subjective preferences of their class-defined core political constituencies.
This study examines postwar patterns in macroeconomic policies and outcomes associated with leftand right-wing governments in capitalist democracies. It argues that the objective economic interests as well as the subjective preferences of lower income and occupational status groups are best served by a relatively low unemployment-high inflation macroeconomic configuration, whereas a comparatively high unemployment-low inflation configuration is compatible with the interests and preferences of upper income and occupational status groups. Highly aggregated data on unemployment and inflation outcomes in relation to the political orientation of governments in 12 West European and North American nations are analyzed revealing a low unemployment-high inflation configuration in nations regularly governed by the Left and a high unemployment-low inflation pattern in political systems dominated by center and rightist parties. Finally, time-series analyses of quarterly postwar unemployment data for the United States and Great Britain suggests that the unemployment rate has been driven downward by Democratic and Labour administrations and upward by Republican and Conservative governments. The general conclusion is that governments pursue macroeconomic policies broadly in accordance with the objective economic interests and subjective preferences of their class-defined core political constituencies.In so far as stable prices are regarded as desirable for their own sake, as contributing to social justice, it must be recognized that justice to the rentier can be achieved only by means of the injustice to the rest of the community of maintaining a lower level of effective demand than might otherwise be achieved. We are here
The transition from a hunter-gatherer economy to agricultural production, which made possible the endogenous technological progress that ultimately led to the Industrial Revolution, is one of the most important events in thousands of years of humankind's economic development. In this paper we present theory and evidence showing that geographic and initial biogeographic conditions exerted decisive influence on the location and timing of transitions to sedentary agriculture, to complex social organization and, eventually, to modern industrial production. Evidence from a large cross-section of countries indicates that the effects of geography and biogeography on contemporary levels of economic development are remarkably strong.
forthcoming in -RXUQDO RI /DERU (FRQRPLFV, October 2000 $EVWUDFWThe effects of wage dispersion on productive efficiency is a topic rich in theoretical conjecture, a common object of Scandinavian polemical debate and at the same time an issue almost barren of systematic econometric evidence. The Swedish record of enormous compression of relative wages under the institutional regime of centralized solidarity bargaining, followed by substantial de-compression of wages after central bargaining broke down, supplies observations well suited for empirical testing of theories and assertions about the response of productive efficiency to shifts in wage distribution. Results presented in this paper obtained from regression experiments based on distribution-augmented production and labor productivity functions yield no support of 'fairness, morale and cohesiveness' theories implying that wage leveling within workplaces and industries may enhance productivity. We do find substantial evidence, however, that reduction of inter-industry wage differentials contributed positively to aggregate output and productivity growth, most likely for the structural reasons first emphasized by leading Swedish trade union economists almost a half century ago.
The most important event in human economic history before the industrial revolution was the Neolithic transition from a nomadic hunter-gatherer lifestyle to sedentary agriculture, beginning approximately 10,000 years ago. The transition made possible the human population explosion, the rise of non-food-producing specialists, and the acceleration of technological progress that led eventually to the industrial revolution. But the transition occurred at different times in different regions of the world, with big consequences for the present-day economic conditions of populations indigenous to each region. In this article, we show that differences in biogeographic initial conditions and in geography largely account for the different timings of the Neolithic transition and, thereby, ultimately help account for the 100-fold differences among the prosperity of nations today. The effects of biogeography and geography on the wealth of nations are partly mediated by the quality of present-day institutions but also are partly independent of institutional quality.
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