Using data from a 2005 Survey of rural-urban migrants in Shenzhen, this paper investigates intentions of two groups of migrants. We use the birth years from 1970 to 1980 as a reasonable range of dividing lines to separate the two groups. For each year we divide the sample into those born before that year and those born in or after that year. These are referred to as the old and the new generation, respectively. Three possible development trajectories are considered: settling in cities, returning home to seek a nonagricultural job, and returning home to farm. We find that members of the new generation have stronger desires to do non-farm work, and returning to seek a nonagricultural job has become the most important planned trajectory for this generation. Sharp differences exist between the two generations in the reasons that underlie their intentions. For the old generation, conditions such as age, family responsibility, and type of job are important determinants of intentions, while other conditions such as initial migration motives, social capital, and socioeconomic conditions of origin areas are important for the intentions of the new generation. Thus the new generation is more likely to view migration as a form of investment with the accumulation of human capital and social capital. Those migrants from the old generation who have higher education levels also intend to seek non-farm jobs. However, because of the combined effects of life cycle and the market transition in China, these intentions are not as strong as those of the new generation. We discuss economic and policy implications of our findings.

This article examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the employment of migrant workers in China. Our research has estimated that nationally, at least 30-50 million migrants lost their jobs in late March, far more than the local urban workers. An online survey also indicates that the rural-hukou population have borne the brunt of the outbreak. More than 90% ruralhukou migrant workers could not find work as of late February, compared to 42% for urban-hukou migrant workers. Those who are less educated and low skilled had also a higher rate of unemployment. At the same time, there is a serious mismatch between workers covered by the social safety net and those who really need it. Both across the Chinese population at large and within the migrant population itself, the pandemic has exacerbated the preexisting inequalities along the household registration system line. We call for a more substantive reform of the system so that migrant workers can be integrated into the national social safety net and be protected in the next crisis.

This study conceptualizes parental migration as a dynamic family process that exposes children to parental absence and family instability. Using detailed migration histories, this study identifies the left‐behind trajectories of rural Chinese children throughout childhood (age 1–12) and examines the impact on psychological well‐being (N = 3,961). Results indicate heterogeneity in children’s experience of parental migration, which is characterized by both persistence (prolonged parental absence) and instability (repeated parental migration). A quarter of rural children experienced prolonged parental migration, and for half of these, by both parents. Another 50% of rural children experienced repeated parental migration. Children continuously left behind by both parents and children who experienced substantial family instability both fared worse in psychological development than those in stable two‐parent families.

The 14th Five-Year Plan of China proposes promoting urbanization construction, with counties as an important carrier. In order to evaluate the urbanization development level of counties in Western China, this study established an index system of population, land, and industry, constructed the coupling coordination model, selected Shaanxi Province as a representative case, and evaluated the comprehensive development level and its coordination degree of urbanization at the county level. The results show that: (1) there are two stages of urbanization in Western counties, namely "increment" and "quality improvement"; (2) county urbanization in Western China radiates from central cities, presenting the characteristics of a "core-edge" circle structure. Northern Shaanxi has significant spatial difference characteristics, the coordination and development level of the Guanzhong area are both in the lead, and Southern Shaanxi is still in the stage of weak level coordination; (3) unlike urbanization in metropolises, urbanization in Western counties is mainly driven by industrial agglomeration instead of land urbanization. However, population outflow is an obstacle to the urbanization of Western counties. The evaluation of the coordinated development of county urbanization can provide a theoretical basis and practical path for enhancing public service functions in counties, guiding urban–rural harmonious development.

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