Abstract-Preeclampsia is characterized by hypertension, dyslipidemia, and increased systemic inflammatory response and has been associated with an increased maternal risk of cardiovascular disease later in life. Low-grade chronic inflammation is a risk factor for cardiovascular disease. This study examined changes in inflammatory markers prospectively during pregnancy, the current inflammatory status of women who had a pregnancy complicated by preeclampsia 20 years previously against matched controls, and the association between inflammatory genes and risk of preeclampsia in a case (nϭ106) control (nϭ212) study. In control pregnancies (nϭ34), mean interleukin-10 (IL-10) levels increased 38% (Pϭ0.012) and tumor necrosis factor-␣ (TNF-␣) by 33% (Pϭ0.024) between the first and third trimesters. The mean preeclampsia group IL-10 and TNF-␣ rose by 43% (Pϭ0.013 and Pϭ0.0065, respectively) from the first to the third trimester. In women with preeclampsia only, plasma IL-6 increased from the first to the third trimester ( with a healthy index pregnancy 20 years previously, that persisted after adjustment for smoking and current body mass index. The IL-1 (C-511T), IL-6 (G-174C), TNF-␣ (G-308A), E-selectin (S128R), intercellular adhesion molecule-1 (K469E), and C-reactive protein (C1059G) polymorphisms were not associated with risk of developing preeclampsia.In conclusion, preeclampsia is associated with short-and long-term changes in inflammatory status.
The entrenchment of neoliberalism in the United States has coincided with an unprecedented expansion of punishment practices that intensify social divisions rooted in class and race. We explore the political culture of this hyperpunitiveness through a discussion of two popularized explanations for urban crime: broken windows and situational crime prevention. These popular criminological theories help legitimate the deepening of social and spatial divisions. They also rest their precepts upon the foundation of a particular geographic imagination. We use this paper to reveal and critique the core assumptions about space upon which each of these theories critically relies. We suggest that each theory understands society-space interactions too simplistically to provide comprehensive insight into the dynamics of landscape construction and interpretation. We argue further that the logics and practices of broken windows and situational crime prevention possess significant elective affinities with social dynamics characteristic of neoliberalism. For these reasons, these popularized criminologies both reflect and reinforce the processes through which neoliberalism exacerbates social differences.
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