No abstract

Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP), launched in June 2017, marks the first time that sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) have been mentioned in an overarching Canadian aid policy. The inclusion of SOGI in the policy document sent an important signal to domestic and international development partners on the need to consider these sources of discrimination and marginalization. This article asks two basic research questions. First, what is the place of SOGI in Canada’s “feminist” international assistance? Second, what additional steps does Canada’s development program need to take to protect the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global South? Based on an analysis of official documents and secondary sources, we argue that FIAP itself sends only a weak signal about the importance of SOGI-related concerns, but Canadian foreign aid has expanded its understanding of LGBTI issues and has begun to commit dedicated resources to addressing them. Nonetheless, the initial programming (2017–2019) was channelled in an ad hoc manner and through one, major stand-alone commitment, rather than through a broader framework that would guide SOGI’s integration into Canadian programs over the long term. If serious about addressing LGBTI rights more systematically, the Canadian government needs to expand its definition of what SOGI entails and move beyond niche programming to recognize the cross-cutting dimension of LGBTI rights in foreign aid, especially in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights.

As right-wing populist movements make electoral gains around the world, one might expect that resultant policy and legislative reversals against sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) would be mirrored by a similar backlash in United Nations (UN) human rights negotiations. Yet the past five years have seen unprecedented advances for SRHR within the UN Human Rights Council (HRC), treaty bodies, and special procedures. In this article, we provide an overview of SRHR gains and setbacks within the HRC and analyse their broader significance, particularly as socially conservative nation states and non-governmental organisations seek to challenge them. We analyse how states have advanced SRHR in the HRC and examine efforts that states which oppose SRHR have undertaken to limit these advances. In an increasingly hostile political climate, the interrelated legal, technical, and political mechanisms through which human rights are advanced within the UN has helped to mitigate the effects of rapid political reversals. Additionally, the HRC's emphasis on previously agreed language helps dampen significant changes in resolutions on SRHR.

This article traces the origins, evolution, and effects of LGBT advocacy by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in global forums. In particular, the article focuses on LGBT advocacy in intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations. The first section provides a historical overview and traces the rise of LGBT NGOs—as well as the transnational networks linking them—from the interwar period to the present day. In doing so, this section discusses the strategies that such organizations have leveraged to gain clout and highlights how LGBT issues have gained salience and have generated contestation within UN human rights bodies and mechanisms. The second section provides a conceptual overview of how advocates have advanced LGBT issues and discusses how the frames of sexual and reproductive health rights, public health and HIV/AIDS, and, increasingly, LGBT human rights have been leveraged by NGOs to legitimize and to further propel LGBT advocacy. Finally, the third section discusses some of the challenges facing global LGBT advocacy. In particular, this section highlights North–South power inequalities in shaping and driving a global advocacy agenda and the tensions arising from limited emphasis on non-Western notions of sexual and gender diversity. This section concludes with a discussion of new directions in LGBT advocacy, highlighting in particular the increased efforts to combine human rights advocacy with inclusive development policy.

Durante siglos la cuestión de la paternidad de La tía fingida ha desafiado los esfuerzos que han tratado de resolver tal problema. A pesar de las conclusiones de Icaza (1916) y Criado de Val (1953) en contra de la paternidad cervantina, persisten muchos críticos en llamar a Cervantes autor de dicha obra. Las cuidadosas investigaciones hechas por Icaza y Criado de Val sobre los elementos léxicos y gramaticales de la TF son apoyadas en el presente estudio mediante una comparación —en términos de caracterización, técnica narrativa, y tono moralizante— entre la TF y la obra cervantina que más se asemeja a ella, El casamiento engañoso.