Rapid growth and increasing diversity characterize trends of the U.S. health labor force in recent decades. While these trends have promoted change on many different fronts of the health system, hierarchical organization of the health work force remains intact. Workers continue to be stratified by class and race. Superimposed on both strata is a structure that segregates jobs by gender, between and within health occupations. While female health workers outnumber males by three to one, they remain clustered in jobs and occupations lower in pay, less prestigious, and less autonomous than those of their male counterparts. What has prevented women from improving their economic and leadership status as health workers? Is work performed by men of higher prestige because men perform it? Would curative and technical fields have less status if dominated by women? Would health promotion be funded more generously if most health educators were men? In this article, two analytical constructs are presented to take a closer look at occupational categories, selected structural characteristics, differential rewards, and their relationship to gender segregation. Taken together, they demonstrate how women always cluster at the bottom and men at the top, no matter which dimension is chosen.

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This paper traces the implementation of Michigan's program for hospital bed reduction through four phases in the critical first 30 months following enactment: standard-setting, plan development, plan approval, and legislative oversight. Procedural complexity and goal conflict complicated implementation from the start: what began as a simple proposal to close unneeded beds soon became enmeshed in efforts to address long-standing issues of equity in access to care. A combination of administrative, political, and economic factors peculiar to Michigan, as well as the more generic problems incurred in applying a regulatory approach to containing medical care costs, contributed to the difficulties encountered in implementing bed reduction. Long-range prospects for the program depend upon whether the modest results it is likely to achieve are deemed to be worth the costs incurred in administering it.

Analysis of survey data on six health professions in Michigan suggests the extent to which sex-role stereotypes are reflected in the distribution of women within and among those professions which typically function as independent practitioners. The particular emphasis of the analysis is the structural or organizational aspects of the professions which facilitate or hinder the recruitment and participation of women. Distribution of women among professions is associated with relative levels of sex-segregation and with the relative availability of career opportunities in nonentrepreneurial settings. Implications of these findings for future trends in the sex structure of the health professions are discussed and a research agenda on women health professionals is proposed.

A variety of programs aimed at health care cost containment have been initiated at the state level. This article presents a case study of one state's effort to deal with health care cost issues, focusing on the formulation of adoption of legislation to reduce the number of hospital beds. The Michigan bed-reduction legislation was the creature of a coalition of powerful, organized "professional consumers" of health services who placed hospital cost containment on the political agenda and framed a solution. The provisions of the legislation were reshaped during the legislative process to grant concessions to a variety of interest groups, particularly the Michigan Hospital Association. Many additional criteria for determining excess bed capacity, some subjective, were added. Cost containment as a goal was, if not subordinated, at least made competitive with other goals--access to care, equity among types of providers, and quality of services. While the initial proposal was attractive as a seemingly simple extension of the certificate-of-need process within the existing regulatory framework, the legislation became increasingly complex in response to new issues raised by political actors who contributed to the shaping of the final version of the legislation. The formulation and adoption of Michigan's overbedding legislation appears to underscore what many other observers have noted: there are no purely technical solutions to health policy problems.