Highly educated women's likelihood of combining childrearing with continuous employment over the life course has increased among recent U.S. cohorts. This trend is less evident in many postindustrial countries characterized by very low fertility. Among such countries, Japan and Korea have exceptionally low proportions of women who remain employed after having children, despite aggressive government policies designed to encourage this. We draw on over 160 indepth interviews with highly educated Japanese and Korean men and women of childbearing age to uncover the central incompatibilities between married women's employment and childrearing. Individuals' narratives reveal how labor market structure and workplace norms contribute to a highly gendered household division of labor, leading many married women to either forsake employment or to consider having only one child.

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Who deserves to Work? how Women develop expectations of Child Care support in korea Eunsil Oh harvard university, usA This study extends our understanding of the positive relationship between kin-based child care support and mothers ability to stay in the workforce by examining why and how women seek such help. using 100 in-depth interviews with Korean mothers, i find that although child care provided by grandmothers helps mothers maintain their employment, a mother will ask for support only when she constructs strong career aspirations and generates agreement amongst family members that she deserves support. Both of these center around the notion of who deserves to work as a mother. Mothers' explanations of why they deserve support vary based on their educational backgrounds: less-educated mothers stress economic stability, whereas better-educated mothers emphasize the symbolic meaning of sustaining their high public status. Most mothers, however, feel the need to "prove" to themselves and to certain others that they deserve child care support. Based on these findings, i develop a theory of deservingness to explain how mothers account for their work and make decisions to seek child care support.

Despite growing concerns that parental leave policies may reinforce the marginalization of mothers in the labor market and reproduce the gendered division of household labor, few studies examine how women themselves approach and use parental leave. Through 64 in-depth interviews with college-educated Korean mothers, we find that although women’s involvement in family responsibilities increases during leave, they do not reduce their work devotion but reinvent it throughout the leave-taking process. Embedded in the culture of overwork in Korean workplaces, women find it justifiable to use leave only when they are highly committed to work and adjust the length of leave to accommodate workplace demands. Upon returning to work, they try to compensate for their absence by working harder than before, thereby showing that they are more committed than their colleagues. Given this “compensatory” work devotion, women question their own entitlement in the workplace, and some quit when they cannot meet their goal of compensating by doing more than others. This study highlights how the workplace culture shapes women’s work devotion during and after leave.

This study explores how men in South Korea, Spain, and the U.S. use parental leave and shows how distinct labor-market structures, divisions of unpaid and paid labor, and parental leave policies shape individuals’ intentions and decisions to utilize leave policies. Using in-depth interviews of 80 men, we show two important findings: One, in Spain and the U. S., the systematized monetary support strongly encourages fathers to use parental leave whereas in South Korea, a generous policy becomes of little use because work culture heavily discourages men from taking leave. Two, gender norms shape the desirability of using parental leave regardless of the availability of the policy. An emerging group of men in Spain and the U.S. actively reconstruct what an engaged father should do whereas Korean men took it for granted that fathers should not take leave, instead should work even harder to be a responsible father. In the end, this study shows how the monetary structure and schema of what an engaged father should do shape how men approach and use parental leave in three different contexts.