Nonalcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD) is highly prevalent worldwide. The most severe form is nonalcoholic steatohepatitis (NASH). Among risk factors for the development of NAFLD is excessive lipid intake. Since palm (P) oil is the most consumed oil in the world, we aimed to investigate the effects of high-fat diets made with P oil, hybrid palm (HP) oil, or olive (O) oil in liver. Twenty-four male mice (C57Bl/6J) were fed a high-fat diet (41% fat) containing P, HP, or O oils for 8 weeks and compared to a control (C) group fed a chow diet. Adiposity was measured with computed tomography. Body, adipose tissue, and liver weights, as well as liver fat (Bligh–Dyer), blood lipid profile, glucose, and liver enzymes were measured. Liver histology (hematoxylin–eosin) and transcriptome (microarray-based) were performed. ANOVA tests with Newman–Keuls were used. Body weight was increased in the P group (p < 0.001) and body fat in the O group (C vs. O p ≤ 0.01, P vs. O p ≤ 0.05, HP vs. O p ≤ 0.05). All high-fat diets disturbed the blood lipid profile and glucose, with marked effects of HP on very low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (VLDL), triglycerides, and alkaline phosphatase (p ≤ 0.001). HP had the highest liver fat (42.76 ± 1.58), followed by P (33.94 ± 1.13). O had a fat amount comparable to C (16.46 ± 0.34, 14.71 ± 0.70, respectively). P and HP oils induced hepatocyte ballooning. Transcriptome alterations of the O group were related to amino acid metabolism and fatty acid (FA) metabolism, the P group to calcium ion homeostasis, and HP oil to protein localization. Both P and HP oils induced NASH in mice via disturbed hepatocyte transcription. This raises concerns about the content of these oils in several industrialized foods.
Este artigo objetiva analisar a paradiplomacia, em especial do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, e identificar como o governo federal, por meio do Itamaraty, vem lidando com esse fenômeno que traz implicações para a política externa brasileira. Conclui-se que, embora a paradiplomacia implique desafios para a coordenação da política exterior, a chancelaria tem se articulado com as unidades subnacionais, percebendo o potencial de ampliar a representação dos interesses nacionais
Resynchronization protocols have been studied and successfully performed in cattle since the beginning of the century (Bartolome et al., 2005; Sani et al., 2011; Stevenson et al., 2003). With variations in timing and procedures, such protocols are primarily used to reduce the calving interval by inducing more synchronic ovulations during the breeding season. Hence, early resynchronization protocols are being studied to allow fixed time artificial insemination (FTAI) at intervals similar to the natural oestrous cycle (Palhão et al., 2020; Pugliesi et al., 2019), for which a new progesterone (P4) device should be inserted before the pregnancy diagnosis. The corpus luteum (CL) is a temporary endocrine gland of high importance in the maintenance of pregnancy, especially for goats, since ewes and cows can sustain late pregnancy without it (Casida
Because of the features of the ovine cervix, including a narrow lumen and misaligned folds, access to the uterine lumen through the cervical canal is particularly challenging in this species (Halbert, Dobson, Walton, & Buckrell, 1990). Therefore, surgical procedures are commonly applied in assisted reproductive technologies in sheep when access to the uterine lumen is needed (Candappa & Bartlewski, 2011, 2014). Surgical intervention is not desired in assisted reproductive technologies because it can lead to the formation of adhesions in the reproductive tract (up to 30%) (Bruno-Galarraga et al., 2014; Pinto et al., 2020) and, consequently, reproductive impairment.
Considerando a nova dinâmica geopolítica que se estabelece na América do Sul a partir dos anos 2000, o objetivo deste artigo é examinar a atuação do Brasil como potência regional a partir de evidências que corroboraram este papel e o exercício de sua liderança regional durante o Governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Verifica-se que, apesar de certas limitações e de não ser uma potência inconteste, sua estratégia, sua disposição de assumir uma posição como elo fortalecedor dos processos de integração, seu engajamento na cooperação regional e seus recursos materiais permitiram o exercício da liderança regional pelo país. Por fim, realiza-se uma breve reflexão sobre as condições para o mesmo exercício por parte do Brasil na gestão Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016), inferindo-se que houve traços de continuidade da política externa para a região, mas com menor pró-atividade brasileira em função de mudanças das condições domésticas e internacionais.
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