This paper presents rhythmic syncope in Mojeño Trinitario, an Arawak language spoken in lowland Bolivia. In this language, every vowel that is in a weak prosodic position can syncopate. The syncope pattern of Mojeño Trinitario is remarkable for several reasons. First, it involves a regular, categorical and complete deletion rather than a statistical reduction of vowels. Second, it applies similarly to words with either of two stress patterns: iambic words, which make up the great majority of words, and trochaic ones, much less numerous. Third, a great variety of consonant sequences are the result of syncope, and syllabification applies again after syncope. Fourth, rhythmic syncope actually underapplies: almost half of the vowels that are in a position to syncopate are maintained, and vowel quality plays a statistical role in immunity to syncope. Fifth, due to a rich morphology and a set of complex phonotactic rules applying sequentially, syncope leads to extreme opacity. The data presented in this paper in a theory-neutral way contribute to the typology of rhythmic syncope. It will also be of interest to phonologists considering constraint-based vs. derivational models of phonology.

Comparative reconstruction of proto-mojeño and the phonological diversification of mojeño dialects 1ABSTRACT: This paper addresses nine open issues in the historical phonology of Mojeño, an Arawak language of Bolivia. We propose solutions to these problems by postulating reconstructed forms for Proto-Mojeño based on a comparison of the two extant varieties of the language, Ignaciano and Trinitario, and on 17 th century sources on Old Mojeño. Contrarily to a recent claim, we argue that the contrast between *n and *ɲ can be straightforwardly reconstructed for Proto-Mojeño. We suggest that the marginally contrastive opposition between s and ʃ in Ignaciano derives from sound symbolism. We argue for a contrast between *a and *o in Proto-Mojeño that was later lost in Ignaciano. We reconstruct the accentual system of Proto-Mojeño, as a basis for explaining diachronic rhythmic syncope in Trinitario. Syncope of vowels in weak metrical positions accounts for the emergence of consonant clusters and morphophonological alternations in Trinitario. Besides, hiatus resolution has led to the phonologization of the consonant / c /, while the vowel /͡ əe/ emerged from a process of monophthongization. Indirect consequences of Trinitario rhythmic syncope are the phonologization of the consonant / ç /, consonant loss and the development of phonological vowel length. An appendix presents 191 Proto-Mojeño reconstructions and cognate sets. RESUMO: Neste trabalho abordamos nove fenômenos ou questões em aberto acerca da fonologia histórica do Mojeño, uma língua Arawak falada na Bolívia. Propomos soluções para essas questões com base em uma reconstrução do Proto-Mojeño, partindo da comparação entre as duas variedades existentes da língua, o Ignaciano e o Trinitario, e fazendo uso de fontes do século 17 sobre o Mojeño Antigo. Discordando de parte da literatura sobre o tema, mostramos que o contraste entre *n e *ɲ pode ser reconstruído para o Proto-Mojeño. Apresentamos evidências de que o contraste entre s e ʃ encontrado somente no Ignaciano resulta de um processo de simbolismo fônico. O mesmo dialeto também inovou ao perder o contraste entre*a e *o reconstruído para a proto-língua. Reconstruímos o sistema acentual do Proto-Mojeño e, a partir disso, explicamos a emergência de encontros consonantais e alternâncias morfofonológicas em Trinitario, como resultado da síncope de vogais em posições métricas fracas. Processos de resolução de hiato e de monotongação deram origem à / c / e à /͡ əe/ nesse mesmo dialeto. Consequências indiretas da síncope diacrônica incluem ainda a fonologização da fricativa / ç /, a perda de certas consoantes e o desenvolvimento de duração vocálica contrastiva. Por fim, um apêndice apresenta um conjunto de 191 etimologias com étimos reconstruídos para o Proto-Mojeño.

Indexing the gender of the speaker or the addressee within any type of sentence is often considered as sociolinguistic variation rather than as a gender-exclusive rule. This paper presents a survey of categorical (rather than statistical) gender indexicality in grammar with the greatest number of languages to date. It also offers a data-informed typology of categorical gender indexicality based on 41 indigenous South American languages, aimed at encouraging and facilitating research on genderlects. Examples are classified according to which speech act participants have their gender indexed and in which area of the grammar (lexicon, discourse markers, phonology, morphology). The main findings are first, that categorical gender indexicality in the grammar is more frequent than thought, and second, that the weight of gender indexicality within a language is correlated to the domain: it is limited in the lexicon, more present with discourse markers, and pervasive at the phonological and morphological levels.