Media research demonstrates that audience trust in the news media is a highly consequential factor, shaping audience selection of and response to media, and potentially impacting citizens’ perceptions of the political system at large. Still, our knowledge about the correlates of trust in media is limited. Only a few studies have utilized a correlational design to explore the associations between trust in media and other factors, and almost all of these studies originate in the U.S. context. The current investigation utilizes data from 44 diverse countries (n = 57,847), collected as part of the World Values Survey, to broaden our understanding of trust in media. The aim is two-fold—to learn about individual-level correlates across contexts and to demonstrate that macro-level factors play a part in shaping such trust. Our findings indicate that levels of political interest, interpersonal trust, and exposure to television news and newspapers are positively correlated with trust in media, while education and exposure to news on the Internet are negatively associated. On the macro level, postmaterialism emerged as a consistent predictor of trust in media. State ownership of the media industry did not have a main effect on trust in media after controlling for other factors. However, an interaction was found between state ownership and level of democracy: state ownership of television is positively associated with media trust in democratic societies and negatively associated with trust in media in nondemocratic societies.
In this study we examine the cross-cultural equivalence of two scales that measure attitudes toward democracy across 36 countries in the World Value Survey (WVS) 2000. We examine the equivalence of these scales in order to explore if we can meaningfully compare democratic attitudes across countries. Multiple group confirmatory factor analyses (MGCFA) is applied to answer this question. The analyses indicate that the scales may be compared but only to a certain extent and not across all the countries. We close this article by discussing the implications of the findings.
Arguing that globalization is an important factor in shaping intergroup relations, this paper examines its impact on xenophobic attitudes towards immigrants and on the relationship between nationalism, constructive patriotism, and xenophobia. While multilevel analysis of data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity II (2003) across 31 countries indicates no direct effect of globalization on xenophobia, the relationship between nationalism, constructive patriotism, and xenophobia does appear to be affected. The negative relationship between constructive patriotism and xenophobia is obtained in countries with higher levels of globalization, and the positive relationship between nationalism and xenophobia is also stronger in such countries. A comparison of globalization and economic explanations for xenophobia indicates the unique effect of globalization. The common economic explanations of xenophobia are discussed in light of these findings.
The relationship between globalisation and national identity is puzzling. While some observers have found that globalisation reduces people's identification with their nation, others have reached the opposite conclusion. This article explores this conundrum by examining the relationship between globalisation and people's feelings towards national identity. Using data from the International Social Survey Program National Identity II () and the World Values Survey (), it analyses these relations across sixty‐three countries. Employing a multilevel approach, it investigates how a country's level of globalisation is related to its public perceptions towards different dimensions of national identity. The results suggest that a country's level of globalisation is not related to national identification or nationalism but it is related negatively to patriotism, the willingness to fight for the country and ethnic conceptions of membership in the nation. An examination of alternative explanations indicates that globalisation has a distinct impact on national identity.
This article examines the democracy-bureaucracy nexus by addressing the role of public administration in sustaining citizen satisfaction with democracy. Employing cross-national data across 35 countries, the multi-level analysis enables investigation at both the individual and the country level. With respect to the former, the findings indicate that citizens' evaluation of public administration is related more strongly to their satisfaction with democracy than other explanations -such as political trust, electoral fairness, and political efficacy. With respect to the latter, they demonstrate that public administration quality is related to satisfaction with democracy to a degree similar to other macro-level factors -such as the level of democracy, political trust, and human development in a country. The results are discussed in the framework of the debate regarding the democracy-bureaucracy nexus.
Points for practitionersThis article points to the central role of public administration in sustaining citizen support of democracy. The analysis demonstrates that the image of public service correlated strongly with satisfaction with democracy and that public administration quality appears to be correlated positively with satisfaction with democracy to a degree comparable with alternative explanations. The implications for professionals working in public management and administration is that despite the ongoing castigating of the public service by politicians and pundits, its relevance for the democratic satisfaction of citizens should not be overlooked.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.