This paper extends the conceptualisation and refines the operationalisation of gender inequality. The aim is to bridge theory - on gender relations - and measurement - of the reality of gender for women and men - by means of a set of social indicators of gender inequality. We first elaborate the concept of gender inequality and differentiate it from `women's status'. Gender inequality is defined as the departure from parity in the representation of women and men in key dimensions of social life. Next, we operationalise the concept through a set of social indicators developed from statistics provided in the United Nations Women's Statistics and Indicators (WISTAT) database. The 21 indicators measure disparities in the distribution of women and men in socially valued positions in five dimensions - physical well-being, public power, family formation, education and economic activity - within two spheres: human rights and social relations. Finally, we apply the social indicators of gender inequality in a cross-national analysis of the disparities between women and men at different levels of national development. The findings reveal the dismal state of women's human rights across all levels of national income and the disadvantage women experience in the interconnection between social relations of production and reproduction in countries rich or poor. This more complex measure of gender inequality has the potential to inform policy and practices aimed at achieving gender equality.

In interviews with a probability sample of 218 Mexican-American women university students, the authors found that the number of hours Chicanas work weekly is vastly more important than either their connection to the ethnic community or their challenge to gender relations in terms of the time it takes them to earn a baccalaureate degree. The findings-both descriptive and multivariate-suggest that institutional responsiveness to their combined student/worker status is critical to their educational "success. "

Research on religiosity and aging has focused more on church attendance than on the religious role and the strength of beliefs and the extent of private devotions. This study of 123 older West Texans examines the degree to which nine variables account for variation in both organized religious activities and private religious behavior. These include three social activity and interaction variables, three religion variables, and three personal variables (health, age, and income). Strength of religious conviction proved to be the strongest predictor of both types of religious participation. Multiple-regression analysis did not support the hypothesis that private religious activity is compensatory; that is, it does not make up for increased social or personal deprivation. Poor health, low income, reduced activity, and living alone did not predict higher levels of nonorganized religious behavior. However, strong kin/friend networks did predict high levels of private devotion. This research suggests that frequent interaction in a social network contributes to the spiritual well-being of elderly persons; that is, it affirms the wholeness of their lives.

This study examines the neighborhood context of child maltreatment. The neighborhood level of analysis reveals something of the resources upon which caregivers can draw in carrying out their roles. After a discussion of the connection between structural inequality (in terms of both class and gender) and child abuse, we employ a model of neighborhood “impoverishment,” devised from the ecological perspective, to predict rates of maltreatment in neighborhoods in a West Texas city. Our findings underscore the importance of social support in mediating child maltreatment. Neighborhoods that include residents who are “free from drain” compose socially rich environments in which people can engage in neighborly exchanges and thereby reduce the risk of maltreatment.

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