Previous research has examined body dissatisfaction and pressures toward thinness among collegeage and adult women, demonstrating greater dissatisfaction among women than men. Little is known about when such sex differences arise. The present study replicated the procedure used by Fallen and Rozin (1985) to assess body-size preferences in a sample of 288 female and 283 male adolescents aged 10.5 to 15 years. Both sexes revealed a small degree of body-figure dissatisfaction relative to their chosen ideal, but neither sex rated their own figure as significantly different from the size considered most attractive to the opposite sex. Both male and female adolescents held distorted perceptions of opposite-sex preferences. Girls showed a bias toward thinness; boys revealed a bias toward larger figures. The latter bias was associated with pubertal development. Fallen and Rozin (1985) found that college women perceive their figures to be heavier than the figure they consider most attractive to men, and they view as ideal a figure that is thinner than either of the latter assessments. In contrast, college men display no differences in the perceptions of their own figure, ideal figure, and figure they consider most attractive to women. These and other findings (e.g., Dwyer, Feldman, & Mayer, 1970;Klesges, 1983) indicate a greater pressure for thinness among women than among men. This pressure has been implicated as a contributing factor to the higher incidence of eating disorders in women (Garner, Garfinkel, Schwartz, & Thompson, 1980;Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986). It is not known how or at what point youngsters incorporate such pressures.This study examines the developmental roots of body-figure preferences by replicating Fallon and Rozin's (1985) procedure with a sample of early adolescents. This age group is of particular interest because of the dramatic physical changes that accompany puberty and their potential impact on the establishment of a body ideal. MethodSubjects were 283 boys and 288 girls recruited from an urban middle school (160 sixth graders, 176 seventh graders, and 235 eighth graders). The mean age for both boys and girls was 13.0 years (SD = 0.96).

Effects of the sodium ionophore, monensin, were examined on the passage from neuronal cell body to axon of materials undergoing fast intracellular transport. In vitro exposure of bullfrog dorsal root ganglia to concentrations of drug <1 .0 UM led to a dose-dependent depression in the amount of fast-transported [3H]leucine-or [3H]glycerol-labeled material appearing in the nerve trunk. Incorporation of either precursor was unaffected . Exposure of a desheathed nerve trunk to similar concentrations of monensin, while ganglia were incubated in drug-free medium, had no effect on transport. With [3H]fucose as precursor, fast transport of labeled glycoproteins was depressed to the same extent as with [3H]leucine; synthesis, again, was unaffected . By contrast, with [3 H]galactose as precursor, an apparent reduction in transport of labeled glycoproteins was accounted for by a marked depression in incorporation . The inference from these findings, that monensin acts to block fast transport at the level of the Golgi apparatus, was supported by ultrastructural examination of the drug-treated neurons. An extensive and selective disruption of Golgi saccules was observed, accompanied by an accumulation of clumped smooth membranous cisternae.Quantitative analyses of 48 individual fast-transported protein species, after separation by two-dimensional gel electrophoresis, revealed that monensin depresses all proteins to a similar extent . These results indicate that passage through the Golgi apparatus is an obligatory step in the intracellular routing of materials destined for fast axonal transport.

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The failure of patients to follow recommendations made to them by health experts usually represents a hazard to the patient's health, a waste of health resources, and a source of frustration to the health expert. Many studies of such failure lead to the conclusion that every patient should be considered as potentially “non‐compliant.” The most promising site for intervention is in the expert‐patient interaction. Viewing compliance as a property of the transaction between expert and client, it is appropriate to see the responsibility for establishing compliance as shared between expert and client. From this viewpoint, several models of the expert‐client relationship are reviewed. Three areas of responsibility can be assigned to experts—exploring the individual patient's situation fully; anticipating the patient's difficulties in following recommendations; and communicating information in a way that will maximize its effectiveness. Recognition of these responsibilities will have numerous consequences for those who teach health professionals and for psychologists engaged in the study of communication processes.

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