Two studies examined the relationships between self-rated and objectively measured creative ability and ease of perceiving alternative interpretations of the ambiguous Duck-Rabbit figure. The studies found empirical support for what has previously been a largely analogical connection between figural reversal and creativity, using both self-rated trait creativity and objectively scored creative productivity. We discuss the hypothesis that executive functioning is the likely common cognitive factor linking perception of ambiguous figures and creative ability.
Previous evidence for the effectiveness of immediate incubation in divergent creative tasks has been weak, because earlier studies exhibited a range of methodological problems. This issue is theoretically important, as a demonstration of the effects of immediate incubation would strengthen the case for the involvement of unconscious work in incubation effects. For the present experiment, we used a creative divergent-thinking task (alternative uses) in which separate experimental groups had incubation periods that were either delayed or immediate and that consisted of either spatial or verbal tasks. Control groups were tested without incubation periods, and we carried out checks for intermittent conscious work on the target task during the incubation periods. The results showed significant incubation effects that were stronger for immediate than for delayed incubation. Performance was not different between the verbal and spatial incubation conditions, and we found no evidence for intermittent conscious working during the incubation periods. These results support a role for unconscious work in creative divergent thinking, particularly in the case of immediate incubation.
Recent research has shown that suppressing food related thoughts can cause a subsequent increase in consumption relative to groups not suppressing, or thinking about food. The present study examined whether the effects of thought suppression on subsequent eating behaviour would interact with participants restrained eating status. One hundred and sixteen female participants were split into three groups. One third suppressed thoughts of chocolate, one third thought about chocolate and the final third thought about anything they wished. Following this, participants took part in a task where they rated two brands of chocolate on several taste characteristics. Participants were unaware that the dependent variable was the amount of chocolate consumed and not taste preference. Participants also completed measures of dietary restraint, craving, guilt and thought suppression. Results indicated that restrained eaters in the suppression condition consumed significantly more chocolate than restrained eaters in the expression or control condition. Participants low on restraint ate statistically equivalent amounts in all three groups. In addition, participants reporting frequent use of thought suppression (assessed by the White Bear Suppression Inventory) reported greater chocolate cravings.
Thought suppression is a method frequently employed by individuals who are trying to control their thoughts and behaviors. Although this strategy is known to actually increase unwanted thoughts, it is unclear whether thought suppression also results in behavioral rebound. The study presented in this article investigated the effects of suppressing thoughts of smoking in everyday life on the number of cigarettes subsequently smoked. Study participants recorded their daily cigarette intake and stress levels over a 3-week period. In Week 1 and Week 3, participants monitored intake and stress. During Week 2, in addition to monitoring intake and stress, participants in the experimental groups either suppressed or expressed smoking thoughts, whereas the control group continued monitoring. Our results showed a clear behavioral rebound: The suppression group smoked significantly more in Week 3 than the expression or control group did. Moreover, the tendency to suppress thoughts (measured by the White Bear Suppression Inventory) was positively related to the number of attempts to quit smoking. The implications of our findings for smoking cessation are discussed.
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