BackgroundIn recent years, obesity-related diseases have been on the rise globally resulting in major challenges for health systems and society as a whole. Emerging research in population health suggests that interventions targeting the built environment may help reduce the burden of obesity and type 2 diabetes. However, translation of the evidence on the built environment into effective policy and planning changes requires engagement and collaboration between multiple sectors and government agencies for designing neighborhoods that are more conducive to healthy and active living. In this study, we identified knowledge gaps and other barriers to evidence-based decision-making and policy development related to the built environment; as well as the infrastructure, processes, and mechanisms needed to drive policy changes in this area.MethodsWe conducted a qualitative thematic analysis of data collected through consultations with a broad group of stakeholders (N = 42) from Southern Ontario, Canada, within various sectors (public health, urban planning, and transportation) and levels of government (federal, provincial, and municipalities). Relevant themes were classified based on the specific phase of the knowledge-to-action cycle (research, translation, and implementation) in which they were most closely aligned.ResultsWe identified 5 themes including: 1) the need for policy-informed and actionable research (e.g. health economic analyses and policy evaluations); 2) impactful messaging that targets all relevant sectors to create the political will necessary to drive policy change; 3) common measures and tools to increase capacity for monitoring and surveillance of built environment changes; (4) intersectoral collaboration and alignment within and between levels of government to enable collective actions and provide mechanisms for sharing of resources and expertise, (5) aligning public and private sector priorities to generate public demand and support for community action; and, (6) solution-focused implementation of research that will be tailored to meet the needs of policymakers and planners. Additional research priorities and key policy and planning actions were also noted.ConclusionOur research highlights the necessity of involving stakeholders in identifying inter-sectoral solutions to develop and translate actionable research on the built environment into effective policy and planning initiatives.

and diabetes have increased substantially in recent decades; however, the potential role of the built environment in mitigating these trends is unclear. OBJECTIVE To examine whether walkable urban neighborhoods are associated with a slower increase in overweight, obesity, and diabetes than less walkable ones. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS Time-series analysis (2001-2012) using annual provincial health care (N ≈ 3 million per year) and biennial Canadian Community Health Survey (N ≈ 5500 per cycle) data for adults (30-64 years) living in Southern Ontario cities. EXPOSURES Neighborhood walkability derived from a validated index, with standardized scores ranging from 0 to 100, with higher scores indicating more walkability. Neighborhoods were ranked and classified into quintiles from lowest (quintile 1) to highest (quintile 5) walkability. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES Annual prevalence of overweight, obesity, and diabetes incidence, adjusted for age, sex, area income, and ethnicity. RESULTS Among the 8777 neighborhoods included in this study, the median walkability index was 16.8, ranging from 10.1 in quintile 1 to 35.2 in quintile 5. Resident characteristics were generally similar across neighborhoods; however, poverty rates were higher in high-vs low-walkability areas. In 2001, the adjusted prevalence of overweight and obesity was lower in quintile 5 vs quintile 1 (43.3% vs 53.5%; P < .001). Between 2001 and 2012, the prevalence increased in less walkable neighborhoods (absolute change, 5.4% [95% CI, 2.1%-8.8%] in quintile 1, 6.7% [95% CI, 2.3%-11.1%] in quintile 2, and 9.2% [95% CI, 6.2%-12.1%] in quintile 3). The prevalence of overweight and obesity did not significantly change in areas of higher walkability (2.8% [95% CI, −1.4% to 7.0%] in quintile 4 and 2.1% [95% CI, −1.4% to 5.5%] in quintile 5). In 2001, the adjusted diabetes incidence was lower in quintile 5 than other quintiles and declined by 2012 from 7.7 to 6.2 per 1000 persons in quintile 5 (absolute change, −1.5 [95% CI, −2.6 to −0.4]) and 8.7 to 7.6 in quintile 4 (absolute change, −1.1 [95% CI, −2.2 to −0.05]). In contrast, diabetes incidence did not change significantly in less walkable areas (change, −0.65 in quintile 1 [95% CI, −1.65 to 0.39], −0.5 in quintile 2 [95% CI, −1.5 to 0.5], and −0.9 in quintile 3 [95% CI, −1.9 to 0.02]). Rates of walking or cycling and public transit use were significantly higher and that of car use lower in quintile 5 vs quintile 1 at each time point, although daily walking and cycling frequencies increased only modestly from 2001 to 2011 in highly walkable areas. Leisure-time physical activity, diet, and smoking patterns did not vary by walkability (P > .05 for quintile 1 vs quintile 5 for each outcome) and were relatively stable over time. CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE In Ontario, Canada, higher neighborhood walkability was associated with decreased prevalence of overweight and obesity and decreased incidence of diabetes between 2001 and 2012. However, the ecologic nature of these findings and the lack of evidence that ...