This study analyses the consequences of the Covid-19 crisis on stress and wellbeing in Switzerland. In particular, we assess whether vulnerable groups in terms of social isolation, increased workload and limited socioeconomic resources are affected more than others. Using longitudinal data from the Swiss Household Panel, including a specific Covid-19 study, we estimate change score models to predict changes in perceived stress and life satisfaction at the end of the semi-lockdown in comparison to before the crisis. We find no general change in life satisfaction and a small decrease in stress. Yet, in line with our expectations, more vulnerable groups in terms of social isolation (young adults, Covid-19 risk group members, individuals without a partner), workload (women) and socioeconomic resources (unemployed and those who experienced a deteriorating financial situation) reported a decrease in life satisfaction. Stress levels decreased most strongly among high earners, workers on short-time work and the highly educated.

A considerable number of studies in the social movement literature stress that social networks are a key factor for those participating in political protest. However, since empirical evidence does not universally support this thesis, we propose to examine three core questions. Do networks really matter for participants in political protest? Are social networks important for all types of protest? Finally, what are social networks and in which ways are they important? By answering these questions this paper aims to provide three contributions to social movement literature: first, we want to put networks in their place and not reifying their influence on participation processes; second, we describe and explain variations of networks influence on protest participation; third, to pursue the theoretical reflection initiated by Kitts, McAdam, and Passy on the specification of network effect on contentious participation, that is, to disentangle the different processes at stake. Many scholars argue for empirical works analyzing the link between networks and cognition, but this remains a pious wish. Here, we propose to systematically examine the effect of social interactions on activists' cognitive toolkit.

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Telephone surveys face more and more criticism because of decreasing coverage and increasing costs, and the risk of producing socially desirable answers. Consequently, survey administrators consider switching their surveys to the web mode, although the web mode is more susceptible to item nonresponse. Still, we do not know whether this is true for all question types. In this article, we analyze to what extent item nonresponse depends on question characteristics such as their form or difficulty in the telephone and the web mode. We use data from an experiment in which individuals randomly sampled from a population register are experimentally assigned to these two modes. Distinguishing effects on the frequency of don’t know responses, item refusals, and mid-scale responding, we find more don’t know responses and item refusals for the web mode generally, but no differences for mid-scale responding. However, this relationship depends on the characteristics of the question.

Collecting data on households and individuals since 1999, the Swiss Household Panel (SHP) is an ongoing, unique, large-scale, nationally representative, longitudinal study in Switzerland (N = 9828 households and N = 15,882 persons interviewed in 2020). The SHP aims to provide both continuity and innovation in measurement and data collection. Examples of innovation are the combination of retrospective and prospective longitudinal data, the combination of survey modes notably in refreshment samples and additional studies oversampling specific population groups. This article provides an overview of the SHP – focusing on the survey’s key design features, content, data collection and adjustments, possibilities for cross-national comparisons, data use and accomplishments.